Norbert Konrad, Birgit Völlm and David N. Weisstub (eds.)International Library of Ethics, Law, and the New MedicineEthical Issues in Prison Psychiatry201310.1007/978-94-007-0086-4_23
© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013
23. Application of the AMA Code of Medical Ethics to Psychiatric Practice in Correctional Facilities and Access to Psychiatric Care in the U.S.A.
(1)
Department of Neurology and Psychiatry, Forensic Psychiatry Division, Saint Louis University, School of Medicine, 1438 South Grand Blvd, St. Louis, Missouri 63104, USA
Abstract
The psychiatrist who passes through the sally port of a U.S. jail or prison to provide professional services enters a realm that is strikingly different from a private group practice, a clinic or a hospital. Professional ethics in a healthcare setting can be both implicit and explicit, but as a rule they are concertedly supported which creates an ethically comfortable and harmonious working atmosphere for psychiatrists. Correctional facilities in contrast serve different purposes than provision of healthcare: Security is emphasized and the leadership, management and administration of correctional facilities is driven by presumptions, customs, traditions and regulations that stress order, routine, safety and especially control.
23.1 Introduction
23.1.1 Fundamental Professional Ethics Versus Correctional Realities
The psychiatrist who passes through the sally port of a U.S. jail or prison to provide professional services enters a realm that is strikingly different from a private group practice, a clinic or a hospital. Professional ethics in a healthcare setting can be both implicit and explicit, but as a rule they are concertedly supported which creates an ethically comfortable and harmonious working atmosphere for psychiatrists. Correctional facilities in contrast serve different purposes than provision of healthcare: Security is emphasized and the leadership, management and administration of correctional facilities is driven by presumptions, customs, traditions and regulations that stress order, routine, safety and especially control.
The correctional psychiatrist, indeed the health provider of any discipline in this setting, faces ethical situations and challenges that are quantitatively if not qualitatively different from those in healthcare settings. The psychiatrist must navigate a course between the Scylla of dysfunctional idealism and Charybdis of thoughtlessly yielding fundamental ethical principles to the prevalent practices and persuasions of the greater correctional ethos. A correctional psychiatrist risks neglect of his or her ethical lodestar and of losing his or her ethical identity. Therefore, more so than in a purely healthcare setting, it behooves the correctional psychiatrist to consider how fundamental ethical principles apply to correctional settings. In doing so it becomes evident that promoting access to psychiatric care can be the single most widespread yet underappreciated ethical challenge in correctional psychiatry. Before addressing specific ethical principles, the organization of U.S. jails and prisons, the prevalence of mental disorders in U.S. jails and prisons, and the organization of mental healthcare in U.S. jails and prisons will be briefly reviewed.
23.1.2 Organization of Jails and Prisons in the U.S.A.
In contrast to countries where inmates who are facing trial are housed together with sentenced prisoners, in the U.S.A. jails and prisons are two separate systems. In jails in the U.S.A., administered locally by municipalities and counties inmates are detained to await trial. Many more suspects are ‘booked’ at local jails than are actually admitted and the U.S. Constitution allows defendants to remain in the community if they provide bail, i.e. money presented as surety that the individual will return to court to face trial. In addition to inmates who are facing trial, jails also house inmates who have been found guilty of a misdemeanor and are sentenced to jail time, typically less than 1–2 years. Through trial or plea bargaining, a defendant can be placed on probation, which allows him to live in the community under the supervision of a probation officer who monitors and reports to the court on the offender’s adherence to the conditions of probation which for mentally ill offenders can include requirements for ongoing treatment. If found guilty of a felony offense, i.e., an offense that warrants at least 2 years in prison, the offender is sentenced to prison, state or federal, depending upon which jurisdictional law was violated. If the offender is released before his maximum sentenced time has elapsed, he will be placed on parole for the balance of his time. Similar to probation, parole requires monitoring by a parole office to ensure that the offender complies with the conditions of parole.
23.1.3 Prevalence of Mental Disorders in U.S. Jails and Prisons
From the 1950s to the present, state mental hospital populations have dropped dramatically as jail and prison populations have increased just as strikingly. From 1985 to 2000 the U.S. jail population grew by 156 %, going from 221,815 to 567,079 (American Psychiatric Association-APA 2000). In just the 12 years from 1985 to 1997, the population of state and federal prisoners rose from 744,208 to 1,725,842, a 132 % increase (APA 2000). By the end of 2003 the total number of state and federal adult prisoners was 1,470,045 (Harrison and Beck 2004). By 2005 a record of seven million individuals were imprisoned or under supervision (U.S. Department of Justice 2005).
Of the nearly 1.5 million prisoners, about 16 % were estimated to have a mental illness, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics (Ditton 1999). In 2005 nearly half of all jail and prison inmates had mental health problems (Bureau of Justice Statistics 2007). Variation in definitions of mental illness, diagnostic criteria and methods of data collection confound accurate estimates, but Temporini’s review (2010) provides some ranges for categories of mental disorders among incarcerated males: Psychotic disorders, 1.3–11.5 % (Gunter et al. 2008; Guy et al. 1985, Powell et al. 1997; Teplin 1994; Trestman et al. 2007), substance abuse disorders, 29.1–74.6 % (Gunter et al. 2008; Lo 2004; Peters et al. 1998; Teplin 1994), affective disorders, 13.8–33.3 % (Gunter et al. 2008; Trestman et al. 2007), anxiety disorders, 11.62–36.4 % (Gunter et al. 2008; Teplin 1994), personality disorders, 37.1–49.21 % (Gunter et al. 2008; Powell et al. 1997; Teplin 1994; Trestman et al. 2007). Caution is warranted in interpreting and comparing studies of different facilities and jurisdictions, and over different study periods. Furthermore, most studies on prevalence of mental disorders in correctional settings do not give attention to malingering mental disorder, feigning mental symptoms or feigning mental health.
In one study 15–24 % of prisoners endorsed symptoms of psychotic disorder, 25–30 % major depressive disorder, and 50 % mania (James and Glaze 2006). The most recent national survey indicates that 15–20 % of jail and prison inmates have serious mental illness. U.S. jails and prisons now house more mentally ill persons than hospitals (Torrey et al. 2010). McDermott suggests inflated symptom endorsement can be due to self-report or to feigning, and malingering in correctional settings is known to mental health practitioners and investigators (McDermott and Sokolov 2009; Felthous 2009). Possibilities of dissimulation do not mean that the mental health needs are less because the numbers and percentages of the mentally ill in jails and prisons may have been inflated. Rather the demands on professional time are increased due to the greater complexity of psychiatric and psychological assessments. Even with the possibility of inflated numbers, it is clear that incarceration of the mentally ill in the U.S.A. has reverted to the situation that existed in the 1840s before the movement to begin to provide hospital treatment for the mentally ill (Torrey et al. 2010).
23.1.4 Structure of Mental Health Services in U.S. Jails and Prisons
The public mental health systems are separate from U.S. jails and prison systems which in turn are separate from one another. Long before community mental health centers were established to serve the needs of the mentally ill with the commencement of the de-hospitalization movement, what little there was in the way of ‘community mental health’ served the needs of the mentally ill in local jails. Nonetheless, the mental health services for inmates in jails were woefully inadequate and did not keep pace with the exploding jail populations, including the increasing numbers of mentally disordered inmates towards the end of the twentieth century. Small police lock-ups were and are especially risky places for inmates in crisis as their mental health services were and are essentially non-existent.
Today there is great variability in how jails are staffed and equipped to treat mentally disordered offenders. Some jails have only a jail nurse, others have a consulting psychiatrist, large city jails have an infirmary where psychotic and suicidal inmates can be placed and some have multi-disciplinary treatment teams with psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers, counselors, and nurses. Infirmaries are not staffed to the sufficiency of hospital wards, thus, for clinical, legal and administrative reasons involuntary medication of psychotic inmates may not be an option. Jails are reliant on local and state hospitals and the ‘system’ is not always responsive to the psychiatric hospitalization needs of severely disturbed inmates.
State and federal prison systems are also entirely separate from state mental health systems and are responsible for the medical and mental health needs of their prisoners. Like local jails, the internal resources of prisons to handle the mentally ill were long abjectly poor, until spurred towards improvement through class action lawsuits.
The enormous Institutional Division of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice has prison units scattered across the state typically in remote areas where recruitment of health providers is a challenge. The State of Texas has a unique medical and surgical security hospital located within the University of Texas Medical Branch (UTMB) in Galveston, Texas. The state’s method of improving medical and mental health services while containing costs was to assign UTMB with the responsibility of providing health services for the Eastern half of the state and Texas Tech School of Medicine with managing healthcare in prisons in the Western part of the state. Other state prison systems and jails turned to private managed care companies. The Texas approach brought the added benefits that come from academic centers working hand in hand with public mental health services. Like other states, and the federal government, the Texas prison system has its own mental hospitals. Texas was a pioneer in applying telemedicine to improve the quality and efficiency of medical and mental health services to remotely located prison units.
23.2 Professional Ethical Practices in Correctional Facilities
23.2.1 Psychiatric Ethical Codes
Correctional psychiatrists can find ethical guidance from the codes of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law (AAPL) (1995, 2005), the American Psychiatric Association (2009) and the American Medical Association (AMA) (2010)1. Much commentary has flowed from AAPL’s Ethical Guidelines (Weinstock et al. 2003) which is intended for the practice of forensic psychiatry but also pertains to some extent to correctional psychiatry. Because correctional psychiatry is concerned primarily with providing psychiatric treatment to mentally disordered inmates, not forensic consultations to attorneys and courts, the APA’s ethical code is especially relevant. Here, however, for grounding in the ethical tradition of psychiatry’s core discipline, medicine, and to avoid overemphasis of the more commonly discussed ethical themes in correctional psychiatry, each of the nine principles of the AMA medical ethics will be presented with commentary that takes into account the APA and AAPL codes as well as the unique ethical challenges to be encountered in jails and prisons. Deserving special attention in correctional facilities is the last principle, access to medical care.
Compassion and Respect
I. A physician shall be dedicated to providing competent medical care, with compassion and respect for human dignity and rights.
Commentary
Capital Punishment
The AMA and APA ethical codes explicitly prohibit physicians from participating in a legally authorized execution, which has been interpreted as prohibiting physicians from giving lethal injections (Weinstock et al. 2003). Much has been written on the controversial psychiatric roles of participating in death sentencing hearings (Felthous 1989a, 2001; Weinstock et al. 2010; Wolfson 2007), competency to be executed hearings and providing treatment that restores competence to be executed (Knoll and Beven 2010).
Psychiatrists can become involved in death sentencing in one of three ways: (1) by conducting a presentencing evaluation and possibly testifying at the sentencing hearing (2) by evaluating the condemned prisoner for competence to be executed and (3) by treating the prisoner who was sentenced to death but adjudicated mentally incompetent to be executed and restoring him to competence. All three services are highly controversial, and all are practiced by U.S. psychiatrists.
Death Sentencing
Psychiatric participation in sentencing is considered a potential amelioration. Without mitigating factors, the offender’s crime is punishable by death. Absence of aggravating factors can be more mitigating than so-called mitigating factors, if they establish a higher threshold. An aggravating factor or ‘special condition’ in Texas law, for example, is ‘whether there is a probability that the defendant would commit criminal acts of violence that would constitute a continuing threat to society (Texas Code Crim Proc 1988).’ Through an amicus brief the American Psychiatric Association declared in a landmark case that psychiatrists cannot accurately predict future dangerousness and it is unethical for psychiatrists to give a professional opinion without first having personally evaluated the individual. In Barefoot v. Estelle (1982) the United States Supreme Court ruled that psychiatrists may testify in predicting future violence and then may give hypothetical testimony, i.e., without conducting a forensic evaluation, in death penalty cases. Participation in death sentencing in the United States is constitutional. Whether it is ethical is a separate question about which psychiatric opinion is divided (Leong et al. 2000).
Respected psychiatric commentators are also divided on the proper role for psychiatrists in death sentencing. In contrast to participation in the execution itself which is prohibited by the AMA, APA, and AAPL ethical codes, no national professional code prohibits psychiatric participation in death sentencing. Some argue that psychiatrists can participate in death sentencing and in keeping with the ethic of striving for objectivity should be prepared to testify in support of either imposing or not imposing the death penalty (Dekleva 2001). For example, if a psychiatrist is prepared to testify that treatment and rehabilitation would eliminate the probability of violent recidivism, he should also be prepared to testify that the offender is not amenable to rehabilitation if that is his finding. Others argue that because capital punishment itself is immoral, psychiatrists should participate but only in the interest of sparing the offender, not in support of the death penalty (Weinstock et al. 2010). Death sentencing is then unlike other psycholegal issues wherein the examiner should attempt to hold their bias in check and be prepared at least in principle to produce findings for or against the defendant. Even though the death penalty is immoral, psychiatrists should involve themselves in favor of mitigation, it is argued, because without such involvement, unethical or imprudent forensic experts will testify in support of the death penalty and their testimony can be determinative if left unchallenged (Weinstock et al. 2010; Bonnie 1990a, b). For various reasons many forensic psychiatrists avoid participating in death sentencing altogether.
Although not controlled by a professional ethical code, the present author ascribes to noninvolvement for two reasons. First, death is different from other dispositions and psychiatrists should not collaborate with the State in determining whom the State will kill. Even if the forensic psychiatrist violates his ethical striving for objectivity and control of bias by participating only to support mitigation, any involvement helps the State decide who should be put to death. By analogy it made little difference if Nazi concentration camp physicians determined who was too feeble to be productive and therefore subject to gassing or who was healthy enough to be productive and therefore should be spared. In either case the physician who makes either a pro-life or pro-death determination helps the State decide who will be put to death, an ethically untenable position.
Second, because death sentencing procedures are flawed, unfair and misdirected, psychiatrists are ‘incompetent’ to participate (Felthous 2001). A truck driver may be competent to drive a truck under normal circumstances but not a truck with a broken axle, defective breaks, and that is headed downhill and off the run-away lane.
Correctional psychiatrists are unlikely to be called upon to participate in death sentencing, because jail psychiatrists treat detainees without becoming involved in adjudication of guilt and punishment and the offender will have already been sentenced before entering prison. In any case it would be a clear and totally unnecessary violation of the ethical principle of avoiding forensic involvement in an inmate whom the psychiatrist is treating.
Assessment for Execution Competence
The American Medical Association’s Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs (1992) made recommendations based upon its interpretation of what kind of involvement constitutes ‘physician participation in capital punishment, for the purpose of ethical prohibition of physician participation.’ The Council did not consider ‘testifying as to medical aspects of aggravating or mitigating circumstances during the penalty phase of a capital phase’ (American Medical Association 1992) as constituting ethically prohibited participation. From this author’s perspective the decision to execute is more directly causative of death than the finding of execution competence. The Council found the latter to be more problematic. Although the physician ‘may offer a medical opinion that the trier of fact can consider’ when determining execution competence, the ‘physician should not determine legal competence to be executed,’ according to the Council. A physician who is treating an offender who is execution incompetent, should not re-evaluate the individual for competence, rather this should be done by an independent physician examiner (American Medical Association 1992). Commentators on the ethics of assessment for execution competence are divided with recommendations varying from abstention, to participation in favor of mitigation, to full participation.
Treatment for Restoration of Execution Competence
Ethical guidelines for treatment of the execution incompetent offender are disturbingly ambiguous. The Council recommended that physicians not treat such a prisoner ‘for the purpose of restoring competence unless a commutation order is issued before treatment begins’. The commutation exception is a non-sequitur because once the death penalty is lifted treatment could no longer serve the purpose of restoring execution competence. The psychiatrist employed at a maximum security hospital which occasionally receives an offender for restoration of competence faces an untenable dilemma. Treatment that restores execution competence is unethical; yet is not deliberate withholding of treatment for a serious mental illness also inhumane and contrary to any rational medical ethics? Drawing on recommendations of the American Medical Association (1992), Bonnie (1990a, b), and Scott (2006), Knoll (2010) proposes the following ethical guidelines for psychiatrists who because of their employment are faced with the question of whether or not to treat an individual who is incompetent to be executed and remanded to a security hospital for treatment and restoration of execution competence:
Primum non nocere – first do no harm
Do not treat for the purpose of restoring competence to be executed
Treat all death row inmates undergoing extreme suffering
Allow the inmate to make a decision about further treatment after a rational mental capacity has been restored
Ensure that re-evaluations of competence are performed by an independent, non-treating psychiatrist
As a treating psychiatrist, never offer a forensic opinion on patient’s competence to be executed
Obtain consultation on difficult cases
Perhaps these guidelines are as good as any. The problem of defining and discerning ‘extreme suffering’ in psychotically disturbed individuals is not easily resolved. Ultimately there is no satisfactory ethical solution to the question of treating the execution incompetent prisoner.
Respect
Of less concern and controversy than the death penalty, but of pervasive relevance to jails and prisons is the matter of respecting inmates, who have lost favor with society and whose alleged criminal behaviors and/or boorish conduct behind bars more easily elicits contempt and ridicule than respect and compassion. Some humor makes correctional health work more enjoyable, but humor at the expense of inmates can lead to insensitivity, scapegoating and distraction from the serious work of treatment planning. Psychiatrists can and should give due attention to policy, procedures, safety measures and need for limit setting and firmness, without diminishing his or her basic respect for human dignity that should be shown to patients in any setting.
Professionalism and Honesty
II. A physician shall uphold the standards of professionalism, be honest in all professional interactions, and strive to report physicians deficient in character or competence, or engaging in fraud or deception, to appropriate entities.
Commentary
Professionalism
The APA code prohibits sexual relations with patients, exploitation of patients, and jeopardizing the welfare of patients by practicing while mentally ill. Psychiatrists should practice within the area of their expertise, intercede if a mentally ill psychiatrist is putting patients at risk and clarify terms of the contractual arrangement with patients.
Dress
Professionalism for correctional psychiatrists, it should be added, includes appropriate attire. Although not necessary in all settings, the value of wearing a white smock or jacket is that it identifies the role of a medical/psychiatric trainee who is not a permanent member of the correctional mental health team. In any case, psychiatrists should avoid attire that is revealing or sexually provocative, and they should not give inmates personal information such as contact information. Such ethical guidance represents good judgment that is protective of both inmates and providers. The expectations for professionalism and other aspects of ethical conduct should be shared with trainees who are under the correctional psychiatrist’s supervision.
Follow and Improve the Law
III. A physician shall respect the law and also recognize a responsibility to seek changes in those requirements which are contrary to the best interests of the patient.
Commentary
Informed consent
It is incumbent upon correctional psychiatrists to familiarize themselves with the legal regulations that pertain to psychiatric services in correctional settings. Depending on the nature and circumstances of the practice, following all mental health regulatory law can be challenging. For example, the large volume of inmates to be treated within a short timeframe, concerns about treatment refusal when hospital transfer is not easily available, and push back from other professionals who oppose full informed consent out of fear of noncompliance, can frustrate efforts to obtain written informed consent for psychotropic medication. In some busy, understaffed jails the implementation of procedures to ensure full written consent may need to be achieved incrementally, but this must be the goal.
Confidentiality and Privacy
IV. A physician shall respect the rights of patients, colleagues, and other health professionals, and shall safeguard patient confidences and privacy within the constraints of the law.
Commentary
Confidentiality
The APA code further explains the importance of maintaining confidentiality of patient records and of protecting patient anonymity in professional education and publications. AAPL guidelines require that an explanation be given to the evaluee regarding the lack of confidentiality of the forensic examination.
Several considerations are of special relevance to correctional psychiatry. Some inmates are charged with or convicted of highly publicized criminal offenses and others are well known because of their celebrity. Thus, anonymity is not assured simply by omitting obviously identifying information. Trainees under the correctional psychiatrist’s supervision should be informed of this and reminded of the primacy of confidentiality.
Medical Record Documentation
Medical and mental health records require all the confidentiality safeguards of clinical records in any setting. Gratuitous information that would be stigmatizing, incriminating or embarrassing does not belong in the record. Details about the inmate’s index offense should generally be omitted. Nonetheless, such information is occasionally highly relevant to risk assessment, for example, an inmate who is charged with homicide after entering a homicide-suicide pact, and the psychiatrist must determine the inmate’s current risk for suicide. Another example is where the inmate requires hospitalization and a requisite legal criterion is risk of harm to self or others. If the inmate has made no threats of harming self or others since incarceration, but is charged with a violent act which appears to have been a result of his mental disorder which continues untreated and unabated, the recent violent act may need to be referenced to support court ordered hospitalization and treatment.

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