© Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2015
Geert Dom and Franz Moggi (eds.)Co-occurring Addictive and Psychiatric Disorders10.1007/978-3-642-45375-5_1515. Dual Disorders: Mild Intellectual Disability and Substance Abuse
(1)
IVO Addiction Research Institute, Rotterdam, The Netherlands
(2)
Tactus Addiction Research Institute, Enschede, The Netherlands
15.1.1 Case 1: Peter
15.2.3 Case 2: Claire
15.5.1 Problems in Standard Care
15.5.4 Case 3: Sandra
15.6 Future Directions
Abstract
In European countries, there is an increasing awareness that substance abuse also occurs among people with a mild intellectual disability (MID). Individuals with MID often do not fit within the traditional (addiction) treatment systems and subsequently treatment outcomes can be poor. To improve outcome and treatment retention, programmes should be adapted to the specific needs and competences of these patients. This chapter describes substance abuse among people with MID from a European perspective. It aims at providing information and practical tools for both screening and treatment interventions.
15.1 Mild Intellectual Disability
An intellectual disability (ID) is defined by three aspects: significant cognitive deficits; a significant impairment in adaptive behaviour; and onset before the age of 18 (APA 2013). Adaptive behaviour can be impaired in different areas, such as communication, personal hygiene, independent living, social and relational skills, participation in society, autonomy, health and safety, applied knowledge, leisure, and work. An IQ between 50/55 and 70 is generally considered a mild intellectual disability (MID), an IQ between 70/75 and 85 is considered a borderline intellectual disability (BID) (APA 2013). Since persons with both mild ID and borderline ID encounter similar problems regarding substance use and substance use treatment, in this chapter, the term “mild intellectual disability” (MID) will be used for both MID and BID.
As can be concluded from the definition of MID, the difficulties of persons with MID are not limited to the cognitive domain and their academic performance. Some problems that are often seen in persons with MID are (VanDerNagel et al. 2013b):
Cognitive deficits, which can be evidenced in a less structured way of information processing, difficulties with abstract thinking, a less well-functioning memory, a limited attention span, a limited insight in causality of behaviour, and less mental flexibility
Delayed social and/or emotional development and psychological maturation
Limitations in social adaptation. People with MID are more vulnerable in their social-emotional development, may experience difficulties in overseeing complex social situations and are less able to cope with the practical aspects of daily life
Lack of self-control and a greater degree of impulsivity
Low socio economic status (SES). Many persons with MID live in underprivileged neighbourhoods, have low incomes and limited access to (paid) work
Co morbid psychiatric disorders. Apart from other developmental disabilities such as ADHD and ASS, examples are psychosis and mood disorders (see Sect. 15.2.2)
Co-occurring behavioural disorders. Examples of problem behaviour are oppositional behaviour; aggressive or violent behaviour, suicidal behaviour and auto mutilation
Somatic co morbidity, such as hearing and vision deficiencies, motor problems, and epilepsy
These examples illustrate the numerous and complex challenges that people with MID face. Many of their difficulties, and even their MID itself often go unrecognized (both by themselves and by professionals). The discrepancy between chronological age, level of cognitive development and level of social emotional development evidenced by these individuals poses additional difficulties, both for themselves, their families and those who care for them, as the case-example of Peter (see below) illustrates. People with MID therefore often need specific care and treatment services, including both long term and intensive counselling.
15.1.1 Case 1: Peter
Peter (51 years old, married with 2 teenage daughters) started working at the age of 14. He was “not fit for school, more of a practical guy”, worked as a hired help at a transportation company, and at age 21 got a commercial driver’s licence. Since then, he has been employed as a truck driver. He enjoyed his work on long haul projects, driving bulk-goods from Rotterdam harbour to all parts of Europe. Being a truck driver, he stuck to his bosses rule of “a beer or two max a day”, during his long weeks from home. During the occasional week off at home, he tended to drink somewhat more. During this time he could increasingly more often be found in the pub. At one point his company underwent reorganization and Peter was assigned to parcel delivery service. To plan his deliveries all over the Netherlands, Peter had to work with an electronic route manager. In the new situation he had to work a tight schedule. This was too much for Peter: he encountered numerous problems with the device, ran late and got more, and more frustrated and annoyed (as did his customers). After 2 weeks of trying to fulfil his new assignment, he went on sick leave. Bored at home, he spent more and more time in the pub, drinking until the point of obliviousness. When he had to visit the doctor to get a sick note, he was referred to a counsellor because of his drinking. During the intake, it became clear that Peter struggled to adapt not only to his new working conditions, but also to his role in his family, now that he spent more time at home. Drinking seemed Peters “solution” to ease his anxiety and stress. Peter was referred for psychological evaluation, during which it became clear that Peter could neither read nor write. He tested in the mild to borderline IQ range, with a verbal IQ of 74, and a performance IQ of 69. Only after this test did Peter reveal that as a child, he attended a “school for retarded children”.
As the case of Peter illustrates, it may not immediately become clear during treatment that a person has MID. Though many persons with MID can benefit from social services for those with ID (such as sheltered living, sheltered working, or community-based services), a large majority (especially those with borderline ID) does not receive specialized help. In fact, many individuals with MID do not see themselves as being “handicapped” and may therefore refuse specialized services themselves. Others may have had some specialized care in the past, but then terminated the service, often because of a need of more autonomy and independence. Most countries currently have policies that encourage more inclusive societal or community-based care. This allows many people with MID to live a “normal” life, albeit with a little help. Thus, the fact that a patient holds a job or lives with a family of his own, does not preclude him from having an MID.
15.2 Prevalence and Determinants of Substance Abuse Among People with Mild Intellectual Disability
MID is a common disability in all European countries, but no prevalence rates on a European level are available. In the Netherlands (a population of almost 17 million people) for example, it is estimated that 120,000 people have an intellectual disability (IQ lower than 70), of which 60,000 people have a mild intellectual disability (IQ between 50 and 70). Approximately two million people have a borderline intellectual disability (IQ between 70 and 85) (Ras et al. 2010). In the last decade, it has become clear that substance use is prevalent among those with MID, and that this concerns all types of substances including illicit drugs (To et al. 2014; VanDerNagel et al. 2011a).
Prevalence estimates for MID substance abusers in Europe suggest lower rates of alcohol and drug use and similar rates of smoking when compared to corresponding rates for the general population. In general, it is estimated that 3 % of all people with ID have problems with alcohol or drug use. However, several methodological issues limit the generalizability of international study findings regarding prevalence rates to a large MID population. Methodological reasons also complicate comparisons across countries, and between studies and subgroups. For instance, substance abuse is more common among people with MID and especially BID than among those with a moderate and severe intellectual disability (McGillicuddy 2006).
Well known risk factors of substance abuse, such as low socioeconomic status, problems with social contacts, behavioural and psychiatric problems, coping skill deficiencies, work-related problems, and financial problems are more often seen among people with MID than among their peers without MID (Hammink and Schrijvers 2012). Substance abuse among MID is also associated with co-occurring severe behavioural problems and/or psychiatric problems (Caroll Chapman and Wu 2012; Didden et al. 2009). Additional determinants of increased substance abuse are inadequate coping skills, struggling with feelings of loneliness, stigmatization, and limited social skills. Furthermore, the desire to fit in and be socially include is an important reason for using substances and could therefore be seen as a risk factor of substance abuse (Caroll Chapman and Wu 2012). Substance abuse in any population is associated with severe physiological, psychological, and social problems. The consequences of substance use among people with MID may be more severe because of higher levels of somatic and psychiatric co-morbidity (McGillicuddy 2006), prescribed medication and social factors including difficulty accessing appropriate treatment (Slayter 2010), work-related problems and social interaction problems.
15.2.1 Substance Use and Substance Abuse in Intellectual Disability Settings
In many European countries, changes in health-care systems have led to a greater degree of deinstitutionalisation and integration of people with MID in the community. It could be that these changes lead to an increased vulnerability of substance abuse among people with MID. However, substance use and abuse is common in all subgroups of MID, including those in residential care (VanDerNagel et al. 2011a). The use of psychoactive substances (other than prescribed drugs) may in itself be a problem for ID settings, as some institutions have regulations against using substances. Other settings allow use of (some) substances, mostly limited to alcohol and tobacco, provided that staff members and other patients are not confronted with excessive use or negative consequences. Although these rules may provide support for some patients to stay clear of substance use, others might not be deterred. In ID services that ban (all or some) substance use, the substance use may go underground, or clients might use within their own quarters or outside the facility, and refrain from asking help when substance use poses problems. Several ID-facilities across Europe recognize this risk, and have started programmes to promote early identification and—if needed—adequate referral to substance treatment facilities. For instance, several ID facilities in the Netherlands and Flanders have implemented the use of the SUMID-Q, a Dutch instrument used to screen for and assess substance use (risk) among patients with ID (see Sect. 15.4). Unfortunately, such programmes are not widely implemented yet.
15.2.2 Triple Diagnosis: Mild Intellectual Disability, Substance Abuse, and Psychiatric Problems
Co-occurring psychiatric problems are an additional risk factor for substance abuse among people with MID. At the European level, little is known about prevalence rates of MID substance users with co-morbid psychiatric problems. In a Dutch sample of 185 MID individuals admitted to substance abuse treatment facilities, 42 % had a co-occurring behavioural or emotional problem (Didden et al. 2009). In a sample of 115 MID adults seeking mental health services in London, 8 % were current substance abusers and 15 % had a history of substance abuse (Chaplin et al. 2011). These numbers suggest a need to incorporate the comprehensive assessment of substance abuse and psychiatric disorders into treatment plans for people with MID in mental health or psychiatric settings. Not in the least because triple diagnosis is often combined with problems in other areas such as housing, work, and social relationships.
The assessment of co-occurring psychiatric problems in those with MID and substance use disorder poses additional challenges to mental health care professionals for a variety of reasons. First, it requires knowledge of three fields of (mental) health care (addiction, general psychiatry and ID care). Though several countries (e.g. the UK) have excellent mental health services for those with MID, these services often do not include addiction services. Second, there is a lack of appropriate diagnostic instruments and assessment methods for psychiatric conditions among those with MID. Third, psychiatric conditions may present differently among those with MID, and especially when there is co-occurring substance abuse.
15.2.3 Case 2: Claire
Claire is a 21 years young woman with trisomy 21 (Down’s syndrome). At the age of 18 she moved to a community-based training house, to learn skills needed to live on her own. Shortly after this move, she experienced a depressive episode. This was attributed to the changes in lifestyle and demands associated with these changes and successfully treated with cognitive behavioural therapy in combination with temazepam prescribed by her GP because of her sleeping problems. After this major episode, Claire has generally been doing well. With some help of the ID service staff, she started working as an aid at a food court. Here she enjoyed serving customers and meeting new people. In the last year or so, she started to “hang out” with some of the local youth after work. After a while, she even joined this group on Friday night outings. At first the staff members applauded this, since making friends had always been difficult for Claire. However, after six months, there were some concerns. Claire was late in returning to the house several times and disregarded house rules regarding alcohol use and smoking. She also started talking rudely to the staff, claiming that she “was entitled to make her own choices”. Even more concerns arose when Claire asked her older sister if she had ever tried ecstasy pills or speed. Fortunately, Claire also remained interested in improving her adaptive skills. Although she was always a bit anxious about living on her own, she seemed to consider this to be a serious option in the last few months. She even planned to get her drivers’ licence, which appeared impossible, as Claire has difficulties negotiating busy traffic even when on foot. One Saturday, things went wrong. Claire, who had been partying the night before, was irritated by the sounds of her housemates and picked a fight. She ended up assaulting a staff member who tried to intervene, and kept yelling that she was to make her own choices. Even her parents were unable to calm her down. Even though the yelling stopped, Claire stayed restless, very talkative, and full of plans of how she wanted to change her life by moving out instantaneously, getting a better paid job and finding someone to start a family of her own. Nobody slept well that night, including Claire, who kept packing and unpacking her suitcase. The next day, Claire agreed to talk to a person of specialized mental health services, and eventually was admitted with a tentative diagnosis of “drug induced psychosis or mood disorder”. Only when her irritability, grandiose and racing thoughts, sleeplessness, and restlessness did not subside after several weeks, did she receive the diagnosis of Bipolar I disorder.

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