Living with Intellectual Disability
Elspeth A. Bradley
Yona Lunsky
Marika Korossy
Women with intellectual disabilities are the children, adolescents, and adults described in other chapters of this book; they have the same concerns and challenges daily and over the life span. They often need support in understanding and meeting these challenges and may not always be able to articulate or communicate their concerns. Cognitive and communicative challenges can silence the voice of such women as they negotiate equal rights as citizens and try to live dignified, fulfilled lives in which they feel understood and respected. As a society, we tend to dehumanize, neglect, or reject persons who do not communicate with us on our terms and whose worlds, therefore, we do not fully understand. Misinformation, stereotyping, and myths give rise to negative attitudes and exert a negative impact on the mental health of these women. This chapter describes a range of abilities of a diverse population of women and shows
their influence on several life span issues. Persons with intellectual disabilities have higher rates of health and mental health problems than the general population. In the final section we will explore why this is so, focusing specifically on the issues for women.
their influence on several life span issues. Persons with intellectual disabilities have higher rates of health and mental health problems than the general population. In the final section we will explore why this is so, focusing specifically on the issues for women.
CATEGORIZATION AND TERMINOLOGY
Typically, intellectual disability is categorized as a childhood disorder, but, in reality, it is a lifelong disability; increasing numbers of persons with intellectual disabilities now live until old age. Conceptualizing the disability only from the childhood perspective perpetuates the myth that older persons with intellectual disabilities are childlike, thus ignoring or minimizing their adult status and adult concerns (e.g., struggle for autonomy, sexuality, need for intimacy). For this reason, our chapter is included in the section of this book that addresses adult issues. “Intellectual disability” is one of many terms used to describe persons who, because of limitations in cognitive, communicative, and adaptive functioning presumed present from birth or developing during childhood, require extra assistance in everyday living. Flight from negative societal attitudes has led parent organizations and policy makers alike to periodic revision of diagnostic terms. Developmental disability gradually supplanted the term “mental retardation” during the last 30 years, although the latter term is still retained in both the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition, Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR, 1) and the World Health Organization’s ICD-10 Classification of Mental and Behavioural Disorders (2), as well as a substantial proportion of clinical and research publications in North America. Interestingly, when the term “mental retardation” was adopted in the 1960s, it was viewed as a progressive new alternative to the early twentieth-century designations “feeble minded,” “moron,” “idiot,” and “imbecile.” In the UK, the term “learning disabilities” has replaced “mental handicap.” This has resulted in some confusion because, in other parts of the world “learning disabilities” is used for persons with specific problems in learning (e.g., disorders of memory or auditory or visual perception of language) but with otherwise normal cognitive and adaptive functioning. Most recently, Canada and, in some contexts, the US, have been phasing in the term “intellectual disability,” a term that has been used in Australia since 1986. Around the world, persons with disabilities prefer “people-first language” in which the person always precedes the disability or description of what the person has (3). “People with learning difficulties” is a frequently preferred collective term in this context.
Inconsistencies in terminology are accompanied by considerable variability in diagnostic criteria. For example, DSM-IV-TR (1) continues to rely on a statistical model that measures the severity of mental retardation by standardized tests expressed as an intelligence quotient (IQ) with a cutoff point at 70 or below. The American Association on Mental Retardation (AAMR), in both its 1992 (4) and 2002 (5) classification system revisions, has emphasized supports required rather than level of IQ. This focuses attention on the reality that disability is a consequence of the extent of available supports in a person’s environment. Also see World Health Organization publications for eloquent descriptions of impairments, disabilities, handicaps (6), activity and activity limitations, and participation and participation restrictions (7).
Discussing terminology immediately takes us to the heart of a dilemma for workers in this area: clinical research mandates definition and case identification
of particular persons and populations in order to study, understand, and provide for their special needs. However, in applying our clinical methods to identify this population, we risk running counter to the sensitivities of persons with these disabilities who tell us they want to be included and integrated into the mainstream, not isolated from it. Among the many perspectives in the area of intellectual disabilities (educational, social, political, economic, clinical, experiential), each has its own language. These tensions not infrequently raise obstacles to sound, evidence-based practice with this population.
of particular persons and populations in order to study, understand, and provide for their special needs. However, in applying our clinical methods to identify this population, we risk running counter to the sensitivities of persons with these disabilities who tell us they want to be included and integrated into the mainstream, not isolated from it. Among the many perspectives in the area of intellectual disabilities (educational, social, political, economic, clinical, experiential), each has its own language. These tensions not infrequently raise obstacles to sound, evidence-based practice with this population.
Our perspective is one that acknowledges the vulnerabilities of women with intellectual disabilities and considers that these vulnerabilities need to be studied and understood in order to promote full integration and inclusion into the women’s specific cultures and local communities.
EPIDEMIOLOGY
MILD AND SEVERE INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
Epidemiologic research has identified women with mild intellectual disability (IQ, 50 to 70 range) and those with severe intellectual disability (IQ, less than 50). The latter are easiest to recognize in most cultures because the severity of their disabilities necessitates special supports and services. The identification of women with mild intellectual disability is associated with life span landmarks (e.g., educational, marital, occupational, parental) because it is at these times that women with intellectual disabilities require adequate support in order to fulfill specific expectations. Identification of the woman with mild intellectual disability is therefore likely to fluctuate. For example, the highest prevalence of women with mild intellectual disability is found in the school years. After they finish school, such women may be able to hold down a job or get married and may no longer need support services. Persons with mild intellectual disabilities predominate in the total population, constituting 75% to 89% of all persons with intellectual disabilities, compared to 11% to 25% with severe intellectual disabilities.
A dramatic change in recent years for women (and men) with intellectual disabilities has been the greatly increased life expectancy, particularly for some etiologic groups. For example, for women with Down syndrome, the most common recognized cause of intellectual disability, life expectancy is now into the fourth and fifth decade, compared to age 12 in the early part of the 1940s. Curiously, females with Down syndrome may have a significant survival disadvantage compared to males with Down syndrome (8).
There are differences between the sexes in prevalence of intellectual disabilities, with greater numbers of men overall. In the severe range, the difference tends to even out; some studies show greater numbers of women. The implications of these sex differences in terms of required supports have so far not been explored.
BORDERLINE INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
Women with borderline intellectual disability form an invisible but very large group, poorly understood by both researchers and clinicians. Their IQs range from 70 to 85; they tend to have difficulties managing money; they have social skills deficits and difficulties solving problems; they may be illiterate. Earlier definitions of intellectual disabilities often included these persons but, with a
growing emphasis on inclusion along with attempts to reduce services, they have been forgotten (9). The current trend, if indeed their special needs are identified (10), is to label such individuals, while in the school system, as having a learning disability. Prevalence rates based on service use tend to underestimate the size of this population and may underestimate girls more than boys. This is because persons with borderline IQ (and sometimes those with mild intellectual disabilities as well) are typically not identified in school unless they exhibit behavior problems. Behavior problems are more common in boys than girls. As adults, these women may not come to the attention of services unless they have trouble caring for their children or unless they develop major psychiatric difficulties.
growing emphasis on inclusion along with attempts to reduce services, they have been forgotten (9). The current trend, if indeed their special needs are identified (10), is to label such individuals, while in the school system, as having a learning disability. Prevalence rates based on service use tend to underestimate the size of this population and may underestimate girls more than boys. This is because persons with borderline IQ (and sometimes those with mild intellectual disabilities as well) are typically not identified in school unless they exhibit behavior problems. Behavior problems are more common in boys than girls. As adults, these women may not come to the attention of services unless they have trouble caring for their children or unless they develop major psychiatric difficulties.
AUTISM AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
Autism is the most severe form of a spectrum of related disorders referred to as the pervasive developmental disorders. These disorders are defined behaviorally by impairments in socialization and communication and by a lack of behavioral flexibility (and are sometimes referred to as autism spectrum disorders). It is estimated that about 75% of persons with autism have IQ scores in the intellectual disability range and even those with higher IQs often have relatively lower levels of adaptive functioning and are referred to the intellectual disability sector for services. Evidence suggests that a substantial proportion (one quarter to one third) of persons with intellectual disabilities also have autism; the greater the cognitive impairment, the greater the prevalence (11,12). While the male:female ratio is 3-4:1 in autism without intellectual disability or with mild intellectual disability, the gender difference diminishes with increasing intellectual disability. Some evidence suggests that, when girls are affected, they are likely to be more severely disabled (13). Conversely, some girls with autism who have mild or no intellectual disability have been reported to have fewer social and communication deficits than their male peers. Some investigators have found undiagnosed autism spectrum disorders in girls diagnosed with anxiety disorders, selective mutism, and anorexia nervosa (14,15). Taken together, these findings suggest that girls with autism may have a different phenotype than boys and, in milder cases, may not be recognized as having an autism spectrum disorder (16). Persons with intellectual disabilities and comorbid autism, because of the severity of these disabilities, have historically been the focus of institutional scandal, and with the move toward deinstitutionalization, have been among the last to be reintegrated into community life (17). These persons remain a very vulnerable group requiring considerable care and supervision throughout their lives.
ETIOLOGY
It is very important to investigate the etiology of the intellectual disability because associated health disorders may be present that might otherwise escape detection or be misdiagnosed and fail to receive appropriate treatment.
MILD AND SEVERE INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
While a biologic etiology can be identified in 60% to 75% of persons with severe intellectual disabilities, it remains obscure for around 25% to 40% of those with mild intellectual disabilities. (In light of diagnostic advances during the past
decade, this breakdown, based on earlier epidemiologic data, may no longer be valid. Individuals are increasingly being identified with milder manifestations of established disorders that had previously been recognized only in severely affected persons. New investigative techniques, when applied to persons with mild intellectual disabilities, now detect the underlying cause of previously undiagnosable biologic entities.) However, for all persons with intellectual disabilities, less than optimal health care (e.g., undiagnosed medical disorders such as hypothyroidism or inappropriate use of medication to manage behaviors), and less than optimal support environments (e.g., inappropriate expectations or noisy and disruptive living circumstances, giving rise to stress and anxiety) can contribute to lower levels of functioning. In recent years, recognition has increased that some causes of intellectual disabilities give rise to a characteristic profile of skills, abilities, and emotional responses as well as particular vulnerabilities to other health-related problems. For example, Down syndrome (equally prevalent in males and females) is associated with increased vulnerability to certain comorbid disabilities (e.g., hearing impairment), medical (e.g., thyroid dysfunction), and mental health disorders (e.g., depressive episodes, early onset dementia). Similarly, fragile X syndrome, the most prevalent inherited cause of intellectual disability (women with the fragile X full mutation may or may not have intellectual disability), is associated with a higher than expected prevalence of certain medical disorders (e.g., seizures, mitral valve prolapse, eye problems) and mental health problems (e.g., hyperactivity, social anxiety, obsessive, compulsive, and psychotic behaviors under stress). Other genetic syndromes with documented characteristic behavioral, emotional, and/or psychiatric disturbances include Williams, 22q11.2 deletion, Angelman, Prader-Willi, Smith-Magenis (all of which are equally prevalent in women and men), Rett (almost exclusive to females), and Turner (occurs only in women) syndromes. Recognizing these “behavioral phenotypes” (and their biologic bases) is essential in designing interventions and in providing optimal supports (18).
decade, this breakdown, based on earlier epidemiologic data, may no longer be valid. Individuals are increasingly being identified with milder manifestations of established disorders that had previously been recognized only in severely affected persons. New investigative techniques, when applied to persons with mild intellectual disabilities, now detect the underlying cause of previously undiagnosable biologic entities.) However, for all persons with intellectual disabilities, less than optimal health care (e.g., undiagnosed medical disorders such as hypothyroidism or inappropriate use of medication to manage behaviors), and less than optimal support environments (e.g., inappropriate expectations or noisy and disruptive living circumstances, giving rise to stress and anxiety) can contribute to lower levels of functioning. In recent years, recognition has increased that some causes of intellectual disabilities give rise to a characteristic profile of skills, abilities, and emotional responses as well as particular vulnerabilities to other health-related problems. For example, Down syndrome (equally prevalent in males and females) is associated with increased vulnerability to certain comorbid disabilities (e.g., hearing impairment), medical (e.g., thyroid dysfunction), and mental health disorders (e.g., depressive episodes, early onset dementia). Similarly, fragile X syndrome, the most prevalent inherited cause of intellectual disability (women with the fragile X full mutation may or may not have intellectual disability), is associated with a higher than expected prevalence of certain medical disorders (e.g., seizures, mitral valve prolapse, eye problems) and mental health problems (e.g., hyperactivity, social anxiety, obsessive, compulsive, and psychotic behaviors under stress). Other genetic syndromes with documented characteristic behavioral, emotional, and/or psychiatric disturbances include Williams, 22q11.2 deletion, Angelman, Prader-Willi, Smith-Magenis (all of which are equally prevalent in women and men), Rett (almost exclusive to females), and Turner (occurs only in women) syndromes. Recognizing these “behavioral phenotypes” (and their biologic bases) is essential in designing interventions and in providing optimal supports (18).
BORDERLINE INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
Women (and men) with borderline intellectual disability were once referred to as having “cultural familial” retardation because of the belief that their disability was, in part, due to an impoverished environment; however, this term is less popular now. With recent genetic advances, especially newer diagnostic investigations, such as fluorescence in situ hybridization (FISH), subtelomeric screening, chromosome microdissection, and magnetic resonance spectroscopy (MRS), we now suspect that a large proportion of women in this group also have specific biologic causes to their disability (e.g., 22q11.2 deletion syndrome, fragile X, deletion 1p36.3, treatable metabolic disorders such as Smith-Lemli-Opitz syndrome, or SLOS) (19).
AUTISM AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
The cluster of abnormal patterns of behavior called autism has several different probable etiologies. Autism is associated with a higher than expected prevalence of epilepsy, neurologic symptoms, minor congenital anomalies (birth defects), maternal birth complications, and, as previously stated, intellectual disabilities. Also found in persons with autism are genetic conditions (such as fragile X), metabolic conditions (such as phenylketonuria), viral infections (such as rubella),
and congenital anomaly syndromes (such as Möbius syndrome). However, not everyone with autism has these additional diagnoses, and not everyone with these diagnoses develops autism. Autism appears to be the outcome of particular brain damage caused by a variety of biologic insults. A small but significant minority of persons with autism shows deterioration in skills and functioning during adolescence and, for some, seizures may first occur at that time.
and congenital anomaly syndromes (such as Möbius syndrome). However, not everyone with autism has these additional diagnoses, and not everyone with these diagnoses develops autism. Autism appears to be the outcome of particular brain damage caused by a variety of biologic insults. A small but significant minority of persons with autism shows deterioration in skills and functioning during adolescence and, for some, seizures may first occur at that time.
LEVELS OF FUNCTIONING
While IQ (and adaptive functioning) may be a guide in supporting women with intellectual disabilities, not all women with the same IQ have the same cognitive or psychological challenges. For example, differences in expressive and receptive language abilities, visual and auditory perceptual processing, memory and learning styles can give rise to hidden challenges. A comprehensive psychological and communication evaluation assists in ensuring that the woman’s skills and difficulties are properly understood and that appropriate supports are offered.
Given this caveat, however, it is still helpful clinically to consider the cognitive and adaptive skills of women with intellectual disabilities in the subgroups outlined in DSM-IV-TR, ICD-10, and ICD-10 MR (i.e., mild, moderate, severe, profound levels of functioning). Adaptive functioning, IQ levels, and living circumstances of women in these subgroups and for those with borderline intellectual disabilities and autism are outlined in Table 17.1. Women’s issues by subgroup are outlined below.
WOMEN’S ISSUES
Borderline Intellectual Disability
Historically, women in this group were considered either immoral or asexual (20). Many older women in this group were institutionalized and sometimes sterilized without their knowledge or consent because of a false belief that they were promiscuous and would add disproportionately to a defective gene pool. No other information on their sexuality is available except that women with minimal education tend to be misinformed about sexuality and at risk for sexually transmitted diseases and abuse. In this group, even women who appear to be sexually informed may, in fact, not be (21).
Mild Intellectual Disability
Once a trusting relationship has been established, women with mild intellectual disabilities are capable of describing their sexual experiences. The picture that is emerging is that they have negative feelings about their sexual lives and experience very high levels of abuse (22,23). These women are relatively uninformed about safe sex; they often believe that sex revolves around the man’s experience and that they are not entitled to sexual satisfaction during sexual relations. Because of a lack of education, combined with highly conservative attitudes, they may feel guilty about enjoying their sexuality (24).

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