Medical Sociology and Issues of Aetiology



Medical Sociology and Issues of Aetiology


George W. Brown



Introduction

David Mechanic, in his pioneering textbook, Medical Sociology,(1) views human activity within an adaptive framework—as a struggle of human beings to control their environment and life situation. While this view informs the research to be outlined, there are a number of ways it differs in emphasis from much medical sociology. First, by its concern with particular disorders defined in medical terms. Second, by its use of the investigator rather than respondent to characterize phenomena—to decide, for example, whether an incident should be classified as a life event. Third, by the importance placed on context. In order, for example, for an investigator to make a judgement about the likely meaning of an event such as a loss of a job it is essential to know whether it cast the person in a bad light; its impact on the person’s family; her chance of getting another job, and so on. It is such circumstances surrounding an event that usually give it meaning via the emotion they create. Finally, by recognizing that where appropriate such emotion should be taken into account: ‘A world experienced without any affect would be a pallid, meaningless world, and it is what gives us feedback about what is what is good or bad about our lives’.(2)


Context and measurement

Concern with context in the social sciences was central to the problem of meaning discussed widely in Germany in the late nineteenth century; and the ideas were introduced into sociology by Max Weber(3) and into psychiatry by Karl Jaspers,(4) although no one showed how to apply the methods systematically to concrete examples.(5) Jaspers, in his Allegemeine Psychopathologie, emphasized the way in which Verstehen, or understanding, on the part of an investigator ‘depends primarily on the tangible facts’ (i.e. verbal contents, cultural factors, people’s acts, ways of life, and expressive gestures) in terms of which the connection is understood, and which provides the objective data.(4) While this view influenced the approach to meaning in what follows, there is a critical difference. No attempt has been made to make a judgement about the presence of a causal link between a set of circumstances and a psychiatric episode. The investigator has to judge only the likely meaning of a set of circumstances in the light of ‘tangible facts’ about a person’s past and present. Any link with disorder is explored using established scientific procedures.

As noted by Jaspers, it is possible to take note of cultural factors; for example, when rating the likely implications of a birth, as part of research among women in a black township in Zimbabwe, investigators took into account the cultural importance on a wife producing a male child for her husband and his family.(6)

A second, more limited, use of context deals with the actual observation of emotion. For example, the Camberwell Family Interview, by taking account of vocal (in contrast to verbal) aspects of speech, for example, establishes how far a parent’s talk about a child conveys ‘criticism’ rather than ‘dissatisfaction’.(7) The approach can be extended to deal with core sociological concepts such as role commitment. For example, mothers in North London have been shown to differ substantially in commitment to roles such as ‘mother’ or ‘wife’ judged by how enthusiastically associated activities are discussed.(8) The relevant context is limited to the interview itself and what this conveys about a person’s emotional style. In everyday life we automatically make allowances for the fact, for example, that some people show warmth in a more open way and, by taking this into account, makes it is possible for different expressive styles to be treated as equivalent.



Some methodological considerations

These developments have enabled ‘soft’ variables to be quantified. It has also been possible to make a reasonably persuasive case that significant bias has not followed the use of the investigator as the measuring instrument. For example, Creed(9) in a study of appendectomy found a relationship between severely threatening events rated contextually and the onset of non-inflamed but not inflamed conditions. This result was persuasive for two reasons. First, on the basis of a detailed description of the event and surrounding circumstances a consensus rating team reached agreement about the likely degree of threat, blind to what the person conveyed she felt and to whether she was a patient. Second, Creed, who provided the team with this edited account, was blind to clinical details. (He consulted medical records after the ratings had been made.) Such flexibility is difficult, if not impossible, with a questionnairebased instrument which hands over the task of measurement to the respondent.

There are now a number of investigator-based instruments developed to deal with psychiatric issues covering areas ranging from ‘expressed emotion’ (e.g. critical comments, warmth, etc.), attitudes to self (e.g. self-esteem), plans and concerns (e.g. commitment to various roles), behavioural systems (e.g. styles of attachment), experience of adversity in childhood (e.g. sexual and physical abuse), and characteristics of non-family groups (e.g. restrictiveness of a psychiatric ward regimen). Around each a fair amount of replicable and theoretically relevant findings have emerged. Particularly important was the development in the 1960s of the clinically informed interview-based Present State Examination (PSE) by Wing et al.(10) later amended to deal with a 12-month period,(11) and psychosocial measures such as that of ‘expressed emotion’(12) and the Life Events and Difficulties Schedule.(13) Part of the strength of the resulting research has been due to the levels of inter-rater reliability achieved and the ability of the approach to deal with time order. It is often overlooked that even with longitudinal designs it can be important to be able to establish what has happened between interviews.


Life events and building aetiological models

The characteristic features of the aetiological studies that have emerged can be illustrated by those dealing with life events. The significance of findings concerning depression is enhanced by the fact that most studies have produced broadly consistent findings about the role of events.(14, 15 and 16) Indeed, for some years the challenge has been not so much to establish the presence of an effect, but to learn more about the nature of the events involved and to integrate findings into a more comprehensive aetiological model.(17)


The role of life events in the aetiology of depression


(a) Measurement and meanings

The original version of the Life Events and Difficulties Schedule was developed to study schizophrenic episodes(18) and there has since been a good deal of research dealing with psychotic patients.(19) An early achievement in the study of depression was to make clear that the amount of change in activity as such appears to be irrelevant and that the impact of events results from their meaning.(13) It has also been clear that attention needs to be given to ongoing difficulties that can either be brought about by an event (e.g. the death of husband leading to financial problems) or lead to an event (e.g. a marital difficulty eventually ending in a separation).

In dealing with meaning, two perspectives have proved productive. The first is summed up by the statement that we cannot fully know the meaning of an event until we relate it in some manner to our concerns. One way of conceiving of these is in terms of the impact of a particular event on plans and purposes that stem from role activity caught up in the crisis: how, for example, being turned down for rehousing by a local authority thwarts a woman’s wish to move from an overcrowded and damp flat to give her children ‘a better start in life’.

A second perspective concerning meaning assumes the likely presence of evolutionary-based response patterns that help to guide us in terms of what to want or to avoid, and that such systems are sensitive to a particular range of stimuli. The attachment system and fear responses are obvious examples.(20, 21) Of course, such responses will be influenced by individual differences of various kinds and by cultural display rules concerning emotions, but there is good reason to believe that such systems are often involved in the development of psychiatric disorders. For example, the central importance in a number of cultures of ‘critical comments’ of a close relative rather than ‘dissatisfaction’ in a schizophrenic relapse probably reflects an evolutionary-based sensitivity to emotionally toned criticism interacting with some constitutional predisposition to the disorder.(22)

The Life Events and Difficulties Schedule deals with both kinds of meaning. Blind consensus ratings usually based on four-point scales, made by several members of a team are employed to rule out reporting artifacts using ‘edited’ accounts supplied by the person who carried out the interview as discussed earlier in relation to the study of appendectomy. General as well as specific kinds of threat are rated in this way. They are contextual in the sense of taking into account a person’s likely concerns of relevance for the event insofar as these can be assessed from a person’s current circumstances and biography. In making such ratings no account is taken of reported feelings or whether a disorder followed the event. It deals not only with possible bias on the part of raters, but also with the problem that the cognitive processes involved in the appraisal of an event are not necessarily ones a person is willing or able to report.(23) General guidelines for rating severity of threat are given in an extensive manual containing thousands of examples listed in terms of a number of event categories (such as ‘demotion at work’ and ‘unplanned pregnancy’). A similar procedure is followed for ongoing difficulties.


Some findings concerning depression

The first use of the Life Events and Difficulties Schedule to study depressive conditions took place in the early 1970s and involved a patient series seen at the Maudsley Hospital together with a sample of women from the local Camberwell population. A threshold of ‘caseness’ reflected what an outpatient psychiatrist would accept as a ‘case’.(13) This enquiry, and a number made later, have established that the majority of episodes of clinical relevance are preceded by a severely threatening event.(14, 15 and 16) These at a minimum had to be judged to continue to convey threat for at least a further 10 to 14 days. Nothing emerged to suggest that events with only short-term threat play a role.

Table 2.6.1.1 gives a typical result from a prospective enquiry of 400 women living in Islington in North London with at least one child at home. The table shows that 29 of the 32 onsets in the first
follow-up year were preceded by at least one severe event in the prior 6 months with most occurring within a matter of weeks.(8,23) For example, a woman experiencing a second miscarriage after persistent attempts to have her first child would probably have the event rated severe, but a first miscarriage shortly after marriage would most likely be rated upsetting but not severely so.








Table 2.6.1.1 Onset of depression within 6 months of a severe event or a severe difficulty among 303 women in Islington



















Percentage onset


Severe event


22 (29/130)


Severe difficulty and no severe event


5 (1/20)


Neither


1 (2/153)


Total


11 (32/303)


This finding emerged despite the use of contextual ratings that, as made clear, are based on a limited amount of information and deliberately designed to be approximate and probabilistic. It was also possible to obtain more direct evidence about the relevance of plans and purposes by a measure of emotional commitment to various roles made at the time of the first interview based on how they were talked about. Where a severe event (e.g. a child’s delinquency) in the follow-up year ‘matched’ an area of high emotional commitment (e.g. to motherhood), risk of an onset was considerably increased when compared with a non-matching severe event.(8)

The contextual approach has also been used to take account of more specific aspects of meaning. Severe events preceding an onset of depression generally involve loss, if this is defined broadly not only in terms of loss of a person but loss of a role or a cherished idea—the latter about oneself or someone close.(24) (In contrast, events preceding the onset of anxiety tend to involve ‘danger’—the threat of future loss.(25)) However, although loss is typically present it may not be the factor of central aetiological importance. Table 2.6.1.2 illustrates this by the development of a more comprehensive rating scheme—again carried out by the investigator. Four overall types of meaning are considered, covering in all nine categories. The ratings are hierarchical. Where more than one rating is possible the highest on the scale is taken. The first three categories concern possible types of humiliation, i.e. the likelihood of the event provoking a sense of being put down or a marked devaluation of self. The first category, for example, covers separating from a partner or a lover where they either took the initiative or the respondent was ‘forced’ to leave or break off a relationship because of violence or the discovery of infidelity.








Table 2.6.1.2 Onset by type of severe event over 2-year period in the Islington community series























































Hierarchical event classification


No. of onsets


Percentage onset rate


(a) All ‘humiliation’ events


31/102


30


Humiliation: separation


12/34


35


Humiliation: other’s delinquency


7/36


19


Humiliation: put down


12/32


38


(b) All ‘trapped’ alone events (i.e. not (a))


10/29


34


(c) All ‘loss’ alone events (i.e. not (a) or (b))


14/157


9


Death


7/24


29


Separation: subject initiated


2/18


11


Other key loss


4/58


7


Lesser loss


1/57


2


(d) All ‘danger’ alone events (i.e. not (a), (b), or (c))


3/89


3


All severe events


58/377


15


Events associated with entrapment, the second main type, had to have failed to meet criteria for one of the three humiliation categories. Such events emphasized the fact of being imprisoned in a punishing situation that had gone on for some time. The third type deals with four kinds of loss (in the absence of humiliation or entrapment) with the final type, danger, involving threat of a future loss.(24)

The table shows whether a particular severe event (or sequence of closely related events) was followed by an onset of depression, taking the event (or sequence) nearest to the onset when there was more than one event within 6 months of onset. Using a 2-year period for the Islington women, it shows that there were large differences in risk by event type. If events involving humiliation are combined with those of entrapment, risk was increased threefold.(24) The relatively low risk of depression associated with loss alone, except following a severe event involving a death, suggests that while the majority of events involve loss, something more than this is usually involved and that the experience of humiliation or entrapment associated with the loss is often critical.


Diagnostic issues

So far I have discussed only studies dealing with depressive onsets in the general population, almost entirely of a ‘neurotic’ kind. In the Camberwell enquiry of psychiatric patients, while events were rather less frequent before ‘melancholic’ than before ‘neurotic’ depression, there was considerable overlap between the two types. This lack of a clear link between the presence of a provoking life event and type of diagnosis had been reported earlier(26) and also in several subsequent studies.(27,28)

Only gold members can continue reading. Log In or Register to continue

Stay updated, free articles. Join our Telegram channel

Sep 9, 2016 | Posted by in PSYCHIATRY | Comments Off on Medical Sociology and Issues of Aetiology

Full access? Get Clinical Tree

Get Clinical Tree app for offline access