Public Attitudes and the Challenge of Stigma



Public Attitudes and the Challenge of Stigma


Graham Thornicroft

Elaine Brohan

Aliya Kassam



Introduction

The starting point for this discussion is the idea of stigma. This term (plural stigmata) was originally used to refer to an indelible dot left on the skin after stinging with a sharp instrument, sometimes used to identify vagabonds or slaves.(1, 2, 3 and 4) In modern times stigma has come to mean ‘any attribute, trait or disorder that marks an individual as being unacceptably different from the ‘normal’ people with whom he or she routinely interacts, and that elicits some form of community sanction.’(5, 6 and 7)


Understanding stigma

There is now a voluminous literature on stigma.(5,8)(9, 10, 11, 12 and 13,13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19) The most complete model of the component processes of stigmatization has four key components:(20)



  • Labelling, in which personal characteristics, which are signalled or noticed as conveying an important difference.


  • Stereotyping, which is the linkage of these differences to undesirable characteristics.


  • Separating, the categorical distinction between the mainstream/normal group and the labelled group as in some respects fundamentally different.


  • Status loss and discrimination: devaluing, rejecting, and excluding the labelled group. Interestingly, more recently the authors of this model have added a revision to include the emotional reactions which may accompany each of these stages.(21,22)


Shortcomings of work on stigma

Five key features have limited the usefulness of stigma theories. First, while these processes are undoubtedly complex, academic writings on stigma (which in the field of mental health have almost entirely focused upon schizophrenia) have made relatively few connections with legislation concerning disability rights policy(23) or clinical practice. Second, most work on mental illness and stigma has been descriptive, overwhelmingly describing attitude surveys or the portrayal of mental illness by the media. Very little is known about effective interventions to reduce stigma. Third, there have been notably few direct contributions to this literature by service users.(24) Fourth, there has been an underlying pessimism that stigma is deeply historically rooted and difficult to change. This has been one of the reasons for the reluctance to use the results of research in designing and implementing action plans. Fifth, stigma theories have de-emphasized cultural factors and paid little attention to the issues related to human rights and social structures.

Recently there have been early signs of a developing focus upon discrimination. This can be seen as the behavioural consequences of stigma, which act to the disadvantage of people who are stigmatized.(23,25, 26 and 27) The importance of discriminatory behaviour has been clear for many years in terms of the personal experiences of service users, in terms of devastating effects upon personal relationships, parenting and childcare, education, training, work, and housing.(28) Indeed, these voices have said that the rejecting behaviour of others may bring greater disadvantage than the primary condition itself.

Stigma can therefore be seen as an overarching term that contains three important elements: (29)















[black four-pointed star]


problems of knowledge


ignorance


[black four-pointed star]


problems of attitudes


prejudice


[black four-pointed star]


problems of behaviour


discrimination



Ignorance: the problem of knowledge

At a time when there is an unprecedented volume of information in the public domain, the level of accurate knowledge about mental illnesses (sometime called ‘mental health literacy’) is meagre.(30) In a population survey in England, for example, most people (55 per cent) believe that the statement ‘someone who cannot be held responsible for his or her own actions’ describes a person who is mentally ill.(31) Most (63 per cent) thought that fewer than 10 per cent of the population would experience a mental illness at some time in their lives.

There is evidence that deliberate interventions to improve public knowledge about depression can be successful, and can reduce the effects of stigmatization. At the national level, social marketing
campaigns have produced positive changes in public attitudes towards people with mental illness, as shown recently in New Zealand and Scotland.(32,33) In a campaign in Australia to increase knowledge about depression and its treatment, some states and territories received this intensive, co-ordinated programme, while others did not. In the former, people more often recognized the features of depression, were more likely to support help seeking for depression, or to accept treatment with counselling and medication.(34)


Prejudice: the problem of negative attitudes

Although the term prejudice is used to refer to many social groups, which experience disadvantage, for example minority ethnic groups, it is employed rarely in relation to people with mental illness. The reactions of a host majority to act with prejudice in rejecting a minority group usually involve not just negative thoughts but also emotion such as anxiety, anger, resentment, hostility, distaste, or disgust. In fact prejudice may more strongly predict discrimination than do stereotypes. Interestingly, there is almost nothing published about emotional reactions to people with mental illness apart from that which describes a fear of violence.(35)


Discrimination: the problem of rejecting and avoidant behaviour

Surveys of attitude and social distance (unwillingness to have social contact) usually ask either students or members of the general public what they would do in imaginary situations or what they think ‘most people’ who do, for example, when faced with a neighbour or work colleague with mental illness. Important lessons have flowed from these findings. This work has emphasized what ‘normal’ people say without exploring the actual experiences of people with mental illness themselves about the behaviour of normal people towards them. Further it has been assumed that such statements (usually on knowledge, attitudes, or behavioural intentions) are congruent with actual behaviour, without assessing such behaviour directly. Such research has usually focussed on hypothetical rather than real situations, neglecting emotions, and the social context, thus producing very little guidance about interventions that could reduce social rejection. In short, most work on stigma has been beside the point.


Global patterns

Do we know if discrimination varies between countries and cultures? The evidence here is stronger, but still frustratingly patchy.(36) Although studies on stigma and mental illness have been carried out in many countries, few have been comparison of two or more places, or have included non-Western nations.(37)

In Africa one study described attitudes to mentally ill people in rural sites in Ethiopia. Among almost 200 relatives of people with diagnoses of schizophrenia or mood disorders, 75 per cent said that they had experienced stigma due to the presence of mental illness in the family, and a third (37 per cent) wanted to conceal the fact that a relative was ill. Most family members (65 per cent) said that praying was their preferred of treating the condition.(38) Among the general population in Ethiopia schizophrenia was judged to be the most severe problem, and talkativeness, aggression, and strange behaviour were rated as the most common symptoms of mental illness.(39) The authors concluded that it was important to work closely with traditional healers.

In South Africa,(40,41) a survey was conducted of over 600 members of the public on their knowledge and attitudes towards people with mental illness.(42) Different vignettes, portraying depression, schizophrenia, panic disorder, or substance misuse were presented to each person. Most thought that these conditions were either related to stress or to a lack of willpower, rather than seeing them as medical disorders.(43) Similar work in Turkey,(44) and in Siberia and Mongolia(45) suggests that people in such countries may be more ready to make the individual responsible for his or her mental illness and less willing to grant the benefits of the sick role.

Most of the published work on stigma is by authors in the USA and Canada,(11,27,46,47) but there are also a few reports from elsewhere in the Americas and in the Caribbean.(48) In a review of studies from Argentina, Brazil, Dominica, Mexico, and Nicaragua, mainly from urban sites, a number of common themes emerged. The conditions most often rated as ‘mental illnesses’ were the psychotic disorders, especially schizophrenia. People with higher levels of education tended to have more favourable attitudes to people with mental illness. Alcoholism was considered to be the most common type of mental disorder. Most people thought that a health professional needs to be consulted by people with mental illnesses.(49)

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Sep 9, 2016 | Posted by in PSYCHIATRY | Comments Off on Public Attitudes and the Challenge of Stigma

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