Schizophrenia

Chapter 5Schizophrenia

Dennis R. Combs, Kim T. Mueser, and Emily Drake

Introduction

Schizophrenia is the most debilitating and costly of all adult psychiatric illnesses. Despite the recent trend toward community-oriented treatment, about 25% of all psychiatric hospital beds are occupied by persons with schizophrenia. The costs of treating schizophrenia are significant in terms of both financial and personal costs. It was estimated that the fiscal cost of schizophrenia in the United States was $62.7 billion in 2002 (Wu et al., 2005) and $6.85 billion in Canada in 2004 (Goeree et al., 2005). About one-third (roughly 22.7 billion) of the U.S. dollars spent on schizophrenia is directed to the treatment and medical needs of this population. Despite the economic costs, the impact on the person’s social and occupational functioning over a lifetime may be even more devastating (Knapp, Mangalore, & Simon, 2004). In fact, the largest indirect cost associated with schizophrenia is the loss of productivity over the lifetime. The burden of schizophrenia places the disorder as one of the top 10 most disabling conditions in the world in terms of illness-adjusted life years (Mueser & McGurk, 2004; Murray & Lopez, 1996). Even when persons with schizophrenia receive optimal treatments, many continue to experience substantial impairments throughout most of their lives.

Since schizophrenia was first described more than 100 years ago, the nature of the disorder has been hotly debated, and public misconceptions about it have been commonplace. In recent years, there has been a growing consensus among clinicians and researchers to more rigorously define the psychopathology and diagnostic features of this disorder. Once referred to as a “wastebasket diagnosis, ” the term schizophrenia is now used to describe a specific clinical syndrome. Current arguments about the disorder have focused on the validity of the diagnostic category of schizophrenia, and alternative models argue that it is more beneficial to focus on psychotic symptoms (e.g., paranoia, hallucinations, and delusions) (Bentall, Jackson, & Pilgrim, 1988). Nonetheless, an understanding of the core clinical features of schizophrenia is necessary for diagnosis and treatment planning. After many years of struggling to improve the long-term course of schizophrenia, there is now abundant evidence that combined pharmacological and psychosocial interventions can have a major impact on improving functioning. This chapter provides an up-to-date review of schizophrenia, with a particular focus on the psychopathology of the illness and its impact on other domains of functioning.

Description of the Disorder

Schizophrenia is characterized by impairments in social functioning, including difficulty establishing and maintaining interpersonal relationships, problems working or fulfilling other instrumental roles (e.g., student, homemaker, employee), and difficulties caring for oneself (e.g., poor grooming and hygiene). These problems in daily living, in the absence of significant impairment in intellectual functioning, are the most distinguishing characteristics of schizophrenia and are a necessary criterion for its diagnosis according to most diagnostic systems (e.g., American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013). Consequently, many individuals with the illness depend on others to meet their daily living needs. For example, estimates suggest that between 25% and 60% of persons with schizophrenia live with relatives, and an even higher percentage rely on relatives for caregiving (Goldman, 1982; Torrey, 2001). Time spent providing support and care for a person with schizophrenia can be substantial (with reports as high as 6 to 9 hours per day for some families; Magliano et al., 1998). It appears that the emotional and physical burden on caregivers is found across cultures (Breitborde, Lopez, Chang, Kopelowicz, & Zarate, 2009; Huang, Hung, Sun, Lin, & Chen, 2009; Zahid & Ohaeri, 2010). Individuals without family support typically rely on mental health, residential, and case management services to get their basic needs met. In the worst-case scenario, persons with schizophrenia who have insufficient contact with relatives and who fall between the cracks of the social service delivery system end up in jail (Torrey et al., 1992) or become homeless, with between 10% and 20% of homeless persons having schizophrenia (Susser, Stuening, & Conover, 1989).

In addition to the problems of daily living that characterize schizophrenia, individuals with the illness experience a range of different symptoms. The most common symptoms include positive symptoms (e.g., hallucinations, delusions, disorganization), negative symptoms (e.g., social withdrawal, apathy, anhedonia, poverty of speech), cognitive impairments (e.g., memory difficulties, planning ability, abstract thinking), and problems with mood (e.g., depression, anxiety, anger). The specific nature of these symptoms is described in greater detail in the following section. The symptoms of schizophrenia appear to account for some, but not all, of the problems in social functioning (Glynn, 1998).

The various impairments associated with schizophrenia tend to be long term, punctuated by fluctuations in severity (i.e., relapse) over time. For this reason, schizophrenia has a broad impact on the family, and individuals are often impeded from pursuing personal life goals. Despite the severity of the disorder, advances in the treatment of schizophrenia provide solid hope for improving the outcome.

Clinical Picture

Most studies on the dimensions of schizophrenia agree on at least three major groups of symptoms (Liddle, 1987; Mueser, Curran, & McHugo, 1997; Van Der Does, Dingemans, Linszen, Nugter, & Scholte, 1993), including positive symptoms, negative symptoms, and cognitive impairments. Positive symptoms refer to thoughts, sensory experiences, and behaviors that are present in persons with the disorder but are ordinarily absent in persons without the illness. Common examples of positive symptoms include hallucinations (e.g., hearing voices, seeing visions), delusions (e.g., believing that others are persecuting the person), and bizarre, disorganized behavior (e.g., maintaining a peculiar posture for no apparent reason, wearing multiple layers of clothes). Persecutory delusions (i.e., belief that some entity, group, or person has clear ongoing or future intentions to harm the person) are the most common type of delusion found in schizophrenia (Appelbaum, Robbins, & Roth, 1999; as reviewed in Bentall, Corcoran, Howard, Blackwood, & Kinderman, 2001). About 75% of persons with schizophrenia report hallucinations (Cutting, 1995). Auditory hallucinations are the most common form and are frequently derogatory, negative, or abusive, although some can be benevolent, comforting, and kind (Chadwick & Birchwood, 1995; Copolov, Mackinnon, & Trauer, 2004; Cutting, 1995). Less frequent, but more specific to schizophrenia, are voices that keep a running commentary on the person’s actions or consist of two or more voices having a conversation. Auditory hallucinations can range from inaudible sounds (buzzing sounds, noises, muffled speech) or clearly perceived voices of either gender and can occur intermittently or on a continuous basis. It has been assumed that visual hallucinations were infrequent in schizophrenia and were more reflective of a medical condition (prevalence of 10% to 15% in schizophrenia), but recent evidence suggests that these symptoms are more common than initially believed, especially in more severe forms of the disorder (Bracha, Wolkowitz, Lohr, Karson, & Bigelow, 1989; Mueser, Bellack, & Brady, 1990).

Negative symptoms, conversely, refer to the absence or diminution of cognitions, feelings, or behaviors that are ordinarily present in persons without the illness. Common negative symptoms include blunted or flattened affect (e.g., diminished facial expressiveness), poverty of speech (i.e., diminished verbal communication), anhedonia (i.e., inability to experience pleasure), apathy, psychomotor retardation (e.g., slow rate of speech), and physical inertia. The positive symptoms of schizophrenia tend to fluctuate over the course of the disorder and are often in remission between episodes of the illness. In addition, positive symptoms tend to be responsive to the effects of antipsychotic medication (Kane & Marder, 1993). In contrast, negative symptoms and cognitive impairments tend to be stable over time and are less responsive to antipsychotic medications (Greden & Tandon, 1991). However, there is some evidence that atypical antipsychotic medications, such as clozapine, risperidone, and olanzapine, have a beneficial impact on negative symptoms and cognitive functioning (Breier, 2005; Green et al., 1997; Tollefson & Sanger, 1997; Wahlbeck, Cheine, Essali, & Adams, 1999).

Aside from the core symptoms of schizophrenia, many persons with schizophrenia experience negative emotions (e.g., depression, anxiety, and anger) as a consequence of their illness (Freeman & Garety, 2003). Depression is quite common (estimated comorbidity rate of 45%; Leff, Tress, & Edwards, 1988) among people with schizophrenia and has been associated with poor outcomes (e.g., increased hospital use, lower employment rates) and suicidal tendencies (Sands & Harrow, 1999). Depressive symptoms can occur during all phases of the illness (prepsychotic, prodrome, acute, and remission), but they tend to attenuate as the active psychotic symptoms remit (Birchwood, Iqbal, Chadwick, & Trower, 2000). In addition, it was generally estimated that approximately 10% of the persons with this illness die from suicide (Bromet, Naz, Fochtmann, Carlson, & Tanenberg-Karant, 2005; Drake, Gates, Whitaker, & Cotton, 1985; Jobe & Harrow, 2005; Roy, 1986), but recent research examining suicide rates has lowered this estimate to around 4.0% to 5.6% (Inskip, Harris, & Barraclough, 1998; Palmer, Pankratz, & Bostwick, 2005). Risk of suicide is greater in the presence of mood symptoms and substance use, if previous suicide attempts were made, during the initial onset of the disorder (Hawton, Sutton, Haw, Sinclair, & Deeks, 2005; first psychotic episode; rates 11% to 26%, as reviewed in Malla & Payne, 2005), and in time immediately preceding and following inpatient hospitalization (Qin & Nordentoft, 2005). Anxiety is also common in schizophrenia (estimated comorbidity rate of 43%) and is a frequent precursor to psychosis (Argyle, 1990; Braga, Mendlowicz, Marrocos, & Figueria, 2005; Cosoff & Hafner, 1998; Penn, Hope, Spaulding, & Kucera, 1994; Tien & Eaton, 1992). Specifically, there is evidence for the role of anxiety in both the formation and maintenance of persecutory delusions (threat beliefs) as well as hallucinations (Freeman et al., 2002; Freeman & Garety, 2003). Finally, anger, hostility, and social avoidance may also be present, especially when the person is paranoid (Bartels, Drake, Wallach, & Freeman, 1991; Freeman, Garety, & Kuipers, 2001; Gay & Combs, 2005). Interestingly, as paranoia increases, so does the tendency to perceive ambiguous interactions in a negative, threatening manner (Combs & Penn, 2004; Freeman et al., 2005).

In addition to the positive symptoms and negative emotions commonly present in schizophrenia, individuals with this diagnosis often have comorbid substance use disorders. Epidemiological surveys have repeatedly found that persons with psychiatric disorders are at increased risk for alcohol and drug abuse (Mueser et al., 1990; Mueser, Yarnold, & Bellack, 1992). This risk is highest for persons with the most severe psychiatric disorders, including schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. For example, individuals with schizophrenia are more than 4 times as likely to have a substance abuse disorder as are individuals in the general population (Regier et al., 1990). In general, approximately 50% of all persons with schizophrenia have a lifetime history of substance use disorder, and 25% to 35% have a recent history of such a disorder (Mueser, Bennett, & Kushner, 1995). The presence of comorbid substance use disorders in schizophrenia has consistently been found to be associated with a worse course of the illness, including increased vulnerability to relapses and hospitalizations, housing instability and homelessness, violence, economic family burden, and treatment noncompliance (Drake & Brunette, 1998). For these reasons, the recognition and treatment of substance use disorders in persons with schizophrenia is crucial to the overall management of the illness.

Another important clinical feature of schizophrenia is lack of insight and compliance with treatment (Amador & Gorman, 1998; Amador, Strauss, Yale, & Gorman, 1991). Many individuals with schizophrenia have little or no insight into the fact that they have a psychiatric illness or even that they have any problems at all. This denial of illness can lead to noncompliance with recommended treatments, such as psychotropic medications and psychosocial therapies (McEvoy et al., 1989). Furthermore, fostering insight into the illness is a difficult and often impossible task with these persons.

Noncompliance with treatment is a related problem, but it can also occur because of the severe negativity often present in the illness, independent of poor insight. Problems with paranoia and distrust may contribute to noncompliance, in that some persons may believe medications or treatment providers are dangerous to them. Furthermore, the side effects of some medications (e.g., sedation, dry mouth, motor side effects), particularly the conventional antipsychotics, are unpleasant and can also lead to noncompliance. Medication noncompliance increases the risk of relapse, and between 50% and 75% of individuals who discontinue their medication will relapse within 1 year. Therefore, treatment compliance is a major concern to clinical treatment providers (Buchanan, 1992). It has been argued that the newer atypical antipsychotics may lead to higher rates of compliance owing to better side effect profiles (Breier, 2005). However, a recent study of 63,000 individuals with schizophrenia in the Veteran’s Affairs medical system found widespread noncompliance (compliance measured in terms of filling needed prescriptions) across both conventional and atypical antipsychotics (Valenstein et al., 2004). Strategies for enhancing compliance involve helping the person become a more active participant in his or her treatment, identifying personal goals of treatment that have high relevance for that individual, and helping the person to develop strategies for taking medications into the daily routines (Azrin & Teichner, 1998; Corrigan, Liberman, & Engle, 1990; Kemp, Hayward, Applewhaite, Everitt, & David, 1996; Kemp, Kirov, Everitt, Hayward, & David, 1998).

People with schizophrenia are sometimes assumed to be violent or otherwise dangerous. Indeed, rates of violence have been found to be relatively higher in people with schizophrenia and other severe mental illnesses compared to the general population (Hodgins, Mednick, Brennan, Schulsinger, & Engberg, 1996; Swanson, Holzer, Ganju, & Jono, 1990). However, a more accurate comparison may be to examine the rates of violence between schizophrenia and other psychiatric disorders. Data from the MacArthur Risk Assessment Study found that the actual rates of violence for persons with schizophrenia was 8% for the first 20 weeks following discharge (most violent events occur in the first 20 weeks) and 14% over the course of a 1-year period (Monahan et al., 2001). In comparison, the rates of violence for persons with schizophrenia were actually lower than those for persons with depression and bipolar disorder for the same time period. A prospective study of violent behaviors in females with severe mental illness reported a prevalence rate of 17% over a 2-year period (Dean et al., 2006). Rates vary widely depending upon source of information (e.g., self-report vs. collateral reports), definition of violence, population studied (e.g., inpatients versus outpatients), and where the research takes place (e.g., country). However, it should be emphasized that the majority of people with schizophrenia and other mental illnesses are not violent (Swanson, 1994). When violence does occur, it is often associated with substance abuse (Steadman et al., 1998) or the combination of substance abuse and medication noncompliance (Swartz et al., 1998). Other factors such as psychopathy (Nolan, Volavka, Mohr, & Czobor, 1999) or antisocial personality disorder (Hodgins & Côté, 1993, 1996) also have been implicated. Finally, targets of violence tend to be family members or friends rather than strangers, which is not unexpected given that most persons with schizophrenia rely heavily on family members for support (Steadman et al., 1998).

Although there is an increased rate of violence in schizophrenia, people with schizophrenia are much more likely to be the victims of violence and violent crime (Hiday, Swartz, Swanson, Borum, & Wagner, 1999). About 34% to 53% of individuals with severe mental illness report childhood sexual or physical abuse (Greenfield, Strakowski, Tohen, Batson, & Kolbrener, 1994; Jacobson & Herald, 1990; Rose, Peabody, & Stratigeas, 1991; Ross, Anderson, & Clark, 1994), and 43% to 81% report some type of victimization over their lives (Carmen, Rieker, & Mills, 1984; Hutchings & Dutton, 1993; Jacobson, 1989; Jacobson & Richardson, 1987; Lipschitz et al., 1996). Two recent surveys of a large number of people with severe mental illness found high rates of severe physical or sexual assault in the past year (Goodman et al., 2001; Silver, Arseneault, Langley, Caspi, & Moffitt, 2005). These numbers are striking compared to estimates of the general population, in which 0.3% of women and 3.5% of men reported assault in the past year (Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998). Studies of the prevalence of interpersonal trauma in women with severe mental illness indicate especially high vulnerability to victimization, with rates ranging as high as 77% to 97% for episodically homeless women (Davies-Netzley, Hurlburt, & Hough, 1996; Goodman, Dutton, & Harris, 1995).

The prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among people with schizophrenia and other severe mental illnesses in various samples has ranged from 14% to 43% (Cascardi, Mueser, DeGirolomo, & Murrin, 1996; Craine, Henson, Colliver, & MacLean, 1988; Grubaugh, Zinzow, Paul, Egede, & Frueh, 2011; Mueser, Bond, Drake, & Resnick, 1998; Mueser et al., 2004; Switzer et al., 1999), but has been as low as 3.8% (Braga et al., 2005). These current rates of PTSD are far in excess of the lifetime prevalence of PTSD in the general population, with estimates ranging between 8% and 12% (Breslau, Davis, Andreski, & Peterson, 1991; Kessler, Sonnega, Bromet, Hughes, & Nelson, 1995; Resnick, Kilpatrick, Dansky, Saunders, & Best, 1993). Thus, interpersonal violence is so common in the serious mental illness population that it must sadly be considered a normative experience (Goodman, Dutton, & Harris, 1997).

Diagnostic Considerations

The diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia are fairly similar across a variety of different diagnostic systems. In general, the diagnostic criteria specify some degree of work, social, or self-care impairment, combined with positive and negative symptoms lasting a significant duration (e.g., 6 months or more). The diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia according to DSM-V (APA, 2013) must include the presence of two or more of the following five symptoms: delusions, hallucinations, disorganized speech, grossly disorganized or catatonic behavior, or negative symptoms. One of the symptoms must be delusions, hallucinations, or disorganized speech. The symptoms must have been present at least for a month, unless successfully treated. Since the disorder’s onset, the symptoms must be accompanied by a decrease in functioning such as work or social interaction, or self-care must be below the level that existed prior to the disorder’s onset. Also, for a diagnosis of schizophrenia, there must be continuous signs of the disturbance for at least 6 months.

The diagnosis of schizophrenia requires a clinical interview with the patient, a thorough review of all available records, and standard medical evaluations to rule out the possible role of organic factors (e.g., CAT scan to rule out a brain tumor). In addition, because many persons with schizophrenia are poor historians or may not provide accurate accounts of their behavior, information from significant others, such as family members, is often critical to establish a diagnosis of schizophrenia. The use of family and other informants is especially important in the assessment of prodromal and prepsychotic states. Because of the wide variety of symptoms characteristic of schizophrenia and variations in interviewing style and format across different clinical interviewers, the use of structured clinical interviews, such as the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM (SCID; First, Spitzer, Gibbon, & Williams, 1996) can greatly enhance the reliability and validity of psychiatric diagnosis.

Structured clinical interviews have two main advantages over more open clinical interviews. First, structured interviews provide definitions of the key symptoms, agreed upon by experts, thus making explicit the specific symptoms required for diagnosis. Second, by conducting the interview in a standardized format, including a specific sequence of asking questions, variations in interviewing style are minimized, thus enhancing the comparability of diagnostic assessments across different clinicians. The second point is especially crucial considering that most research studies of schizophrenia employ structured interviews to establish diagnoses. It is important that interviewers are properly trained and interrater reliability with a criterion-trained or expert rater is established before the use of structured interviews are initiated. If the findings of clinical research studies are to be generalized into clinical practice, efforts must be taken to ensure the comparability of the patient populations and the assessment techniques employed.

The symptoms of schizophrenia overlap with many other psychiatric disorders. Establishing a diagnosis of schizophrenia requires particularly close consideration of four other overlapping disorders: substance use disorders, affective disorders, schizoaffective disorder, and delusional disorder. We discuss issues related to each of these disorders and the diagnosis of schizophrenia in the following sections.

Substance Use Disorders

Substance use disorder, such as alcohol dependence or drug abuse, can either be a differential diagnosis to schizophrenia or a comorbid disorder (i.e., the individual can have both schizophrenia and a substance use disorder). With respect to differential diagnosis, substance use disorders can interfere with a clinician’s ability to diagnosis schizophrenia and can lead to misdiagnosis if the substance abuse is covert, denied, or not reported accurately (Corty, Lehman, & Myers, 1993; Kranzler et al., 1995). Psychoactive substances, such as alcohol, marijuana, cocaine, and amphetamines, can produce symptoms that mimic those found in schizophrenia, such as hallucinations, delusions, and social withdrawal (Schuckit, 1995). In those cases in which the substance is involved in the etiology of psychosis, a diagnosis of substance-induced psychotic disorder would be appropriate. Further complicating matters, the use of these substances can exacerbate psychotic symptoms and in many cases lead to a return of acute psychosis.

Because the diagnosis of schizophrenia requires the presence of specific symptoms in the absence of identifiable organic factors, schizophrenia can only be diagnosed in persons with a history of substance use disorder by examining the individual’s functioning during sustained periods of abstinence from drugs or alcohol. When such periods of abstinence can be identified, a reliable diagnosis of schizophrenia can be made. However, persons with schizophrenia who have a long history of substance abuse, with few or no periods of abstinence, are more difficult to assess. For example, in a sample of 461 individuals admitted to a psychiatric hospital, a psychiatric diagnosis could be neither confirmed nor ruled out because of history of substance abuse in 71 persons (15%; Lehman, Myers, Dixon, & Johnson, 1994).

Substance use disorder is the most common comorbid diagnosis for persons with schizophrenia. Because substance abuse can worsen the course and outcome of schizophrenia, recognition and treatment of substance abuse in schizophrenia is a critical goal of treatment. The diagnosis of substance abuse in schizophrenia is complicated by several factors. Substance abuse, as in the general population, is often denied because of social and legal sanctions (Galletly, Field, & Prior, 1993; Stone, Greenstein, Gamble, & McLellan, 1993), a problem that may be worsened in this population because of a fear of losing benefits. Denial of problems associated with substance abuse, a core feature of primary substance use disorders, may be further heightened by psychotic distortions and cognitive impairments present in schizophrenia. Furthermore, the criteria used to establish a substance use disorder in the general population are less useful for diagnosis in schizophrenia (Corse, Hirschinger, & Zanis, 1995). For example, the common consequences of substance abuse in the general population of loss of employment, driving under the influence of alcohol, and relationship problems are less often experienced by people with schizophrenia, who are often unemployed, do not own cars, and have limited interpersonal relationships. Rather, persons with schizophrenia more often experience increased symptoms and rehospitalizations, legal problems, and housing instability because of substance abuse (Drake & Brunette, 1998).

Individuals with schizophrenia tend to use smaller quantities of drugs and alcohol (Cohen & Klein, 1970; Crowley, Chesluk, Dilts, & Hart, 1974; Lehman et al., 1994) and rarely develop the full physical dependence syndrome that is often present in persons with a primary substance use disorder (Corse et al., 1995; Drake et al., 1990; Test, Wallisch, Allness, & Ripp, 1989) or show other physical consequences of alcohol such as stigmata (Mueser et al., 1999). Even very low scores on instruments developed for the primary substance use disorder population, such as the Addiction Severity Inventory, may be indicative of substance use disorder in persons with schizophrenia (Appleby, Dyson, Altman, & Luchins, 1997; Corse et al., 1995; Lehman, Myers, Dixon, & Johnson, 1996). Because of the difficulties in using existing measures of substance abuse for people with schizophrenia and other severe mental illnesses, a screening tool was developed specifically for these populations: the Dartmouth Assessment of Lifestyle Instrument (DALI; Rosenberg et al., 1998). The DALI is an 18-item questionnaire that has high classification accuracy for current substance use disorders of alcohol, cannabis, and cocaine for people with severe mental illness.

Despite the difficulties involved in assessing comorbid substance abuse in persons with schizophrenia, recent developments in this area indicate that if appropriate steps are taken, reliable diagnoses can be made (Drake, Rosenberg, & Mueser, 1996; Maisto, Carey, Carey, Gordon, & Gleason, 2000). The most critical recommendations for diagnosing substance abuse in schizophrenia include (a) maintain a high index of suspicion of current substance abuse, especially if a person has a past history of substance abuse; (b) use multiple assessment techniques, including self-report instruments, interviews, clinician reports, reports of significant others, and biological assays for the presence of substances, which are routinely collected on admission to inpatient treatment; and (c) be alert to signs that may be subtle indicators of the presence of a substance use disorder, such as unexplained symptom relapses, familial conflict, money management problems, and sudden depression or suicidality. Once a substance use disorder has been diagnosed, integrated treatment that addresses both the schizophrenia and the substance use disorder (co-occurring disorders) is necessary to achieve a favorable clinical outcome (Drake, Mercer-McFadden, Mueser, McHugo, & Bond, 1998).

Mood Disorders

Schizophrenia overlaps more prominently with the major mood disorders than any other psychiatric disorder. The differential diagnosis of schizophrenia from mood disorders is critical, because the disorders respond to different treatments, particularly pharmacological interventions. Two different mood disorders can be especially difficult to distinguish from schizophrenia: bipolar disorder with psychotic features and major depression. The differential diagnosis of these disorders from schizophrenia is complicated by the fact that mood symptoms are frequently present in all phases of schizophrenia (prodrome, acute, and remission), and psychotic symptoms (e.g., hallucinations, delusions) may be present in persons with severe mood disorders (APA, 2013; Pope & Lipinski, 1978).

The crux of making a differential diagnosis between schizophrenia and a major mood disorder is determining whether psychotic symptoms are present in the absence of mood symptoms. If there is strong evidence that psychotic symptoms persist even when the person is not experiencing symptoms of mania or depression, then the diagnosis is either schizophrenia or the closely related disorder of schizoaffective disorder (discussed in the following section). If, on the other hand, symptoms of psychosis are present only during a mood episode, but disappear when the person’s mood is stable, then the appropriate diagnosis is either major depression or bipolar disorder. For example, it is common for people with bipolar disorder to have hallucinations and delusions during the height of a manic episode, but for these psychotic symptoms to remit when the person’s mood becomes stable again. Similarly, persons with major depression often experience hallucinations or delusions during a severe depressive episode, which subside as their mood improves. If the patient experiences chronic mood problems, meeting criteria for manic, depressive, or mixed episodes, it may be difficult or impossible to establish a diagnosis of schizophrenia, because there are no sustained periods of stable mood.

Schizoaffective Disorder

Schizoaffective disorder is a diagnostic entity that overlaps with both the mood disorders and schizophrenia (APA, 2013). Three conditions must be met for a person to be diagnosed with schizoaffective disorder: (1) the person must meet criteria for a major mood episode (depressive or manic mood episodes) along with symptoms from criterion A from schizophrenia; (2) the person has delusions or hallucinations for 2 or more weeks in the absence of a major mood episode; and (3) the mood symptoms have to be present for a majority of the illness’s duration (i.e., a person who experiences brief, transient mood states and who is chronically psychotic and has other long-standing impairments would be diagnosed with schizophrenia, rather than schizoaffective disorder).

Schizoaffective disorder and major mood disorder are frequently mistaken for one another because it is incorrectly assumed that schizoaffective disorder simply requires the presence of both psychotic and mood symptoms at the same time. Rather, as described in the preceding section, if psychotic symptoms always coincide with mood symptoms, the person has a mood disorder, whereas if psychotic symptoms are present in the absence of a mood episode, the person meets criteria for either schizoaffective disorder or schizophrenia. Thus, schizoaffective disorder requires longitudinal information about the relationship between mood and psychosis to make a diagnosis. This information is often obtained from the individual but is subject to memory and self-reporting biases (poor insight, or lack of awareness of mood states). The distinction between schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder can be more difficult to make, because judgment must be made as to whether the affective symptoms have been present for a substantial part of the person’s illness. Decision rules for determining the extent to which mood symptoms must be present to diagnose a schizoaffective disorder have not been clearly established.

Although the differential diagnosis between schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder is difficult to make, the clinical implications of this distinction are less important than between the mood disorders and either schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder. Research on family history and treatment response suggest that schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorder are similar disorders and respond to the same interventions (Kramer et al., 1989; Levinson & Levitt, 1987; Levinson & Mowry, 1991; Mattes & Nayak, 1984). In fact, many studies of schizophrenia routinely include persons with schizoaffective disorder and find few differences. Therefore, the information provided in this chapter on schizophrenia also pertains to schizoaffective disorder, and the differential diagnosis between the two disorders is not of major importance from a clinical perspective.

Delusional Disorder

Delusions can be found in schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder, severe mood disorders, organic conditions, and delusional disorder and are a nonspecific symptom in many cases. Persons with delusional disorder develop fixed delusions and do not show the other symptoms of schizophrenia (prominent auditory hallucinations, disorganization, odd or bizarre behaviors, negative symptoms). The delusion may lead to problems with others, but in general the person has good social, educational, and occupational functioning. Tactile and olfactory hallucinations can be present and will usually be incorporated into the delusional belief. Delusional disorder is more common in females (3:1 female-to-male ratio) and has a later age of onset (mean age of 40; Evans, Paulsen, Harris, Heaton, & Jeste, 1996; Manschreck, 1996; Yamada, Nakajima, & Noguchi, 1998). Delusional disorder accounts for 1% to 4% of all inpatient admissions and is relatively rare in clinical practice (Kendler, 1982).

In previous editions of the DSM, the differential diagnosis between delusional disorder and schizophrenia is based on the presence of nonbizarre delusions and absence of other symptoms of schizophrenia. Nonbizarre delusions are based on events or situations that could occur in real life but are highly improbable and lack supporting evidence (Sedler, 1995). Examples of nonbizarre delusions include being watched, followed, spied upon, harassed, loved, or poisoned. In contrast, bizarre delusions involve mechanisms not believed to exist in an individual’s culture, such as beliefs of thought insertion, control, and broadcasting. In reality, the distinction between nonbizarre and bizarre beliefs is highly subjective and difficult (Junginger, Barker, & Coe, 1992; Sammons, 2005). However, in the DSM-5 the issue of nonbizarre versus bizarre delusions has been removed and it emphasizes the presence of fixed delusions of any type that are present for 1 month. Many persons with delusions will provide convincing arguments that their beliefs are true, and a decision on whether the belief is plausible must often be made with very little corroborating evidence (Flaum, Arndt, & Andreasen, 1991; Jones, 1999). An examination of the person’s history, premorbid and current functioning, and symptom profile can be useful in distinguishing delusional disorder from schizophrenia. A structured interview, such as the SCID, can be useful in assessing delusional beliefs along with the other symptoms of schizophrenia.

Epidemiology

It is estimated that approximately 2.2 million persons in the United States have schizophrenia at any given time (Narrow, Rae, Robins, & Regier, 2002; Torrey, 2001). It is believed that 51 million persons have schizophrenia worldwide. The annual incidence of new cases of schizophrenia ranges from 8 to 40 per 100,000 persons (Jablensky, 2000; McGrath et al., 2004, as cited in Tandon, Kesavan, & Nasrallah, 2008a). Point prevalence for any given time period ranges between 3% and 7% per 1,000 persons, with some estimates as high as 10% (Goldner, Hsu, Waraich, & Somers, 2002; Jablensky, 2000; Saha, Chant, Welham, & McGrath, 2005). The lifetime risk for developing schizophrenia appears to be about 0.7% on average (see Saha et al., 2005, as reviewed in Tandon et al., 2008a).

In general, the prevalence of schizophrenia is believed to be remarkably stable across a wide range of different populations and cultures (Crow, 2008; Saha, Welham, Chant, & McGrath, 2006; Tandon et al., 2008a). There has been little difference in the rates of schizophrenia according to gender, race, religion, or level of industrialization (Jablensky, 1999). Similar incidence rates and symptom patterns were found across 10 countries in a study sponsored by the World Health Organization (WHO; Jablensky et al., 1992). However, a more recent review of prevalence studies showed considerable heterogeneity in the rates of schizophrenia among different countries that may be partly owing to variations in diagnostic criteria (Goldner et al., 2002). Furthermore, there is evidence that schizophrenia is more heavily concentrated in urban areas of industrialized countries and, in fact, persons from developing countries may have a better prognosis and course of illness (Jablensky, 2000; Jablensky et al., 2000; Peen & Dekker, 1997; Takei, Sham, O’Callaghan, Glover, & Murray, 1995; Torrey, Bowler, & Clark, 1997). This increased risk appears to be related not only to the likelihood of people with schizophrenia drifting to urban areas, but to being born in urban areas as well, which suggests that “urbanicity” has an effect on schizophrenia (Torrey et al., 1997).

Because schizophrenia frequently has an onset during early adulthood when important educational, social, and occupational milestones are often achieved, persons with the illness are especially affected in that they are less likely to marry or remain married, particularly males (Eaton, 1975; Munk-Jørgensen, 1987), and they are less likely to complete higher levels of education (Kessler, Foster, Saunders, & Stang, 1995) and have problems in occupational performance (Marwaha & Johnson, 2004). In terms of employment rates, only 14% to 20% of persons with schizophrenia hold competitive employment despite reporting a desire to work (Mueser, Salyers, & Mueser, 2001; Rosenheck et al., 2006). It has long been known that there is an association between poverty and schizophrenia, with people belonging to lower socioeconomic classes more likely to develop the disorder (Hollingshead & Redlich, 1958; Salokangas, 1978).

Historically, two theories have been advanced to account for this association. The social drift hypothesis postulates that the debilitating effects of schizophrenia on capacity to work result in a lowering of socioeconomic means, and hence poverty (Aro, Aro, & Keskimäki, 1995). The environmental stress hypothesis proposes that the high levels of stress associated with poverty precipitate schizophrenia in some individuals who would not otherwise develop the illness (Bruce, Takeuchi, & Leaf, 1991). Recently, attention has been aimed at different ethnic and migratory groups, such as second-generation Afro-Caribbeans living in the United Kingdom, who show higher incidence rates of schizophrenia (Boydell et al., 2001; Cantor-Graae & Selten, 2005).

It is believed that being a minority in a potentially hostile social environment where racism and discrimination are present may lead to increased stress and potentially higher rates of symptoms (Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999; Combs et al., 2006). Both of these explanations may be partly true, and longitudinal research on changes in socioeconomic class status (SES) and schizophrenia provide conflicting results. For example, Fox (1990) reanalyzed data from several longitudinal studies and found that after controlling for initial levels of socioeconomic class, downward drift was not evident. Furthermore, Samele et al. (2001) found that a downward drift in occupational functioning over a 2-year period was not linked to illness course or prognosis. However, Dohrenwend et al. (1992) did find evidence for social drift, even after controlling for socioeconomic class. Also, it is possible that SES level may interact with gender, as males from higher SES homes show poorer clinical outcomes (Parrott & Lewine, 2005). Thus, more work is needed to sort out the relationships between SES and schizophrenia.

Psychological and Biological Assessment

Diagnostic assessment provides important information about the potential utility of interventions for schizophrenia (e.g., antipsychotic medications). However, assessment does not end with a diagnosis. It must be supplemented with additional psychological and biological assessments.

Psychological Assessment

A wide range of different psychological formulations have been proposed for understanding schizophrenia. For example, there are extensive writings about psychodynamic and psychoanalytic interpretations of schizophrenia. Although this work has made contributions to the further development of these theories, these formulations do not appear to have improved the ability of clinicians to understand persons with this disorder or led to more effective interventions (Mueser & Berenbaum, 1990). Therefore, the use of projective assessment techniques based on psychodynamic concepts of personality, such as the Rorschach and Thematic Apperception Test, is not considered here.

One of the primary areas to assess is severity of psychotic symptoms, because treatment progression is mainly judged by a reduction of symptoms (Andreasen et al., 2005). This includes an assessment of positive and negative symptoms and general psychopathology due to the high co-morbidity with anxiety and mood disorders. Measures such as the Positive and Negative Syndrome Scale (PANN S; Kay, Fiszbein, & Opler, 1987), the Brief Psychiatric Rating Scale (BPR S; Overall & Gorham, 1962), and the Psychotic Rating Scale (PSYRATS; Haddock, McCarron, Tarrier, & Faragher, 1999) have been frequently used in schizophrenia research and have good psychometric properties. Scales specific to positive (Scale for the Assessment of Positive Symptoms; Andreasen & Olsen, 1982) and negative symptoms (Scale for the Assessment of Negative Symptoms; Andreasen, 1982) can be used for a more in-depth and detailed assessment of these areas. There are also self-report and interview-based measures of insight available as well (see Amador & David, 2004). Commonly, these symptom measures are used in conjunction with a structured diagnostic interview in the assessment of schizophrenia.

As noted earlier, schizophrenia is often associated with a variety of neuropsychological impairments. Core areas to assess in terms of cognitive functioning are verbal and visual learning and memory, working memory, attention/vigilance, abstract reasoning/executive functioning, speed of information processing, and social cognition. These areas are part of the National Institute of Mental Health—Measurement and Treatment Research to Improve Cognition in Schizophrenia cognitive battery (NIMH-MATRICS; Green et al., 2004). Having information on cognitive functioning in these areas will aid in examining the beneficial effects of antipsychotic medication on cognition. It also is important to consider the generalization of these impairments to different situations (i.e., transfer of training problems). Thus, assessment needs to be conducted in the environments in which the skills are to be used in order to provide a more ecologically valid assessment. For example, successful employment interventions incorporate assessment on the job on an ongoing basis rather than extensive prevocational testing batteries that do not generalize to real-world settings (Bond, 1998; Drake & Becker, 1996). Similarly, when assessing independent living skills, it is important that these be measured directly in the living environment of the patient or in simulated tests (Wallace, Liberman, Tauber, & Wallace, 2000).

A great deal of research has been done on the functional assessment of social skills in people with schizophrenia. Social skills refer to the individual behavioral components, such as eye contact, voice loudness, and the specific choice of words, which in combination are necessary for effective communication with others (Mueser & Bellack, 1998). As previously described, poor social competence is a hallmark of schizophrenia. Although not all problems in social functioning are the consequence of poor social skills, many social impairments appear to be related to skill deficits (Bellack, Morrison, Wixted, & Mueser, 1990).

Several different strategies can be used to assess social competence. Clinical interviews can be a good starting place for identifying broad areas of social dysfunction. These interviews can focus on answering questions such as: Is the patient lonely? Would the patient like more or closer friends? Is the patient able to stand up for his or her rights? Is the patient able to get others to respond positively to him or her? Patient interviews are most informative when combined with interviews with significant others, such as family members and clinicians who are familiar with the nature and quality of the patient’s social interactions, as well as naturalistic observations of the patient’s social interactions. The combination of these sources of information is useful for identifying specific areas in need of social skills training.

One strategy for assessing social skills that yields the most specific type of information is role-play assessments. Role-plays usually involve brief simulated social interactions between the person and a confederate taking the role of an interactive partner. During role-plays, individuals are instructed to act as though the situation were actually happening in real life. Role-plays can be as brief as 15 to 30 seconds to assess skill areas such as initiating conversations, or they can be as long as several minutes to assess skills such as problem-solving ability. Role-plays can be audiotaped or videotaped and later rated on specific dimensions of social skill. Alternatively, role-playing can be embedded into the procedures of social skills training, in which persons with schizophrenia practice targeted social skills in role-plays, followed by positive and corrective feedback and additional role-play rehearsal. In the latter instance, the assessment of social skills is integrated into the training of new skills, rather than preceding skills training.

A commonly used assessment measure for social skill is the Maryland Assessment of Social Competence (MASC; Bellack & Thomas-Lohrman, 2003). The MASC is a structured role-play assessment that consists of four 3-minute interactions. Following each role-play, ratings on verbal and nonverbal skill and effectiveness are made, thus allowing the clinician to examine social skill across different situations and contexts.

Recent research on the reliability and validity of social skill assessments, and the benefits of social skills training for persons with schizophrenia, has demonstrated the utility of the social skills construct. Persons with schizophrenia have consistently been found to have worse social skills than persons with other psychiatric disorders (Bellack, Morrison, Wixted, et al., 1990; Bellack, Mueser, Wade, Sayers, & Morrison, 1992; Mueser, Bellack, Douglas, & Wade, 1991), and approximately half of the persons with schizophrenia demonstrate stable deficits in basic social skills compared to the nonpsychiatric population (Mueser, Bellack, Douglas, & Morrison, 1991). In the absence of skills training, social skills tend to be stable over periods of time as long as 6 months to 1 year (Mueser, Bellack, Douglas, & Morrison, 1991). Social skill in persons with schizophrenia is moderately correlated with level of premorbid social functioning, current role functioning, and quality of life (Mueser, Bellack, Morrison, & Wixted, 1990). Social skills tend to be associated with negative symptoms (Appelo et al., 1992; Bellack, Morrison, Wixted, et al., 1990; Lysaker, Bell, Zito, & Bioty, 1995; Penn, Mueser, Spaulding, Hope, & Reed, 1995), but not with positive symptoms (Mueser, Douglas, Bellack, & Morrison, 1991; Penn et al., 1995). Furthermore, role-play assessments of social skill are also strongly related with social skill in more natural contexts, such as interactions with significant others (Bellack, Morrison, Mueser, et al., 1990).

Persons with schizophrenia show a wide range of impairments in social skills, including areas such as conversational skill, conflict resolution, assertiveness, and problem solving (Bellack, Sayers, Mueser, & Bennett, 1994; Douglas & Mueser, 1990). Thus, ample research demonstrates that social skills are impaired with persons with schizophrenia, tend to be stable over time in the absence of intervention, and are strongly related to other measures of social functioning. Furthermore, there is growing evidence supporting the efficacy of social skills training for schizophrenia (Bellack, 2004; Heinssen, Liberman, & Kopelowicz, 2000).

The broadest area of psychological assessment is community functioning, and improvement in this area is linked to the concept of recovery (see “Course and Prognosis”). Persons with schizophrenia show not only poor social skills but also poor adaptive functioning in the community. Ideally, treatment programs should aim to improve the person’s quality of life and satisfaction. Independent living skills, quality of life, and social functioning may need to be assessed in order to examine the person’s current functional capacity level. The Social Functioning Scale (Birchwood, Smith, Cochrane, Wetton, & Copstake, 1990) and UCSD Performance-Based Skills Assessment (UPSA; Patterson, Goldman, McKibbin, Hughs, & Jeste, 2001) are widely used measures of adaptive and community functioning.

Family Assessment

The assessment of family functioning has high relevance in schizophrenia for two reasons. First, Expressed Emotion (EE), which refers to the presence of hostile, critical, or emotionally overinvolved attitudes and behaviors on the part of close relatives of persons with schizophrenia, is an important stressor that can increase the chance of relapse and rehospitalization (Butzlaff & Hooley, 1998). Second, caring for an individual with a psychiatric illness can lead to a significant burden on relatives (Webb et al., 1998), which ultimately can threaten their ability to continue to provide emotional and material support to the individual. Family burden has its own negative consequences and can be related to EE and the ability of the family to care for the person with schizophrenia. Thus, a thorough assessment of these family factors is important in order to identify targets for family intervention.

Several specific methods can be used to assess a negative emotional climate in the family and the burden of the illness. Interviews with individual family members, including the person with schizophrenia, as well as with the entire family, coupled with observation of more naturalistic family interactions, can provide invaluable information about the quality of family functioning. The vast majority of research on family EE has employed a semistructured interview with individual family members, the Camberwell Family Interview (Leff & Vaughn, 1985). This instrument is primarily a research instrument, and it is too time-consuming to be used in clinical practice. Alternatives to the Camberwell Family Interview have been proposed (e.g., Magaña et al., 1986), although none has gained widespread acceptance yet. Several studies have successfully employed the Family Environment Scale (Moos & Moos, 1981), a self-report instrument completed by family members, which has been found to be related to symptoms and outcome in patients with schizophrenia (Halford, Schweitzer, & Varghese, 1991).

Many instruments have been developed for the assessment of family burden. The most comprehensive instrument, with well-established psychometric properties, is the Family Experiences Interview Schedule (Tessler & Gamache, 1995). This measure provides information regarding both dimensions of subjective burden (e.g., emotional strain) and objective burden (e.g., economic impact), as well as specific areas in which the burden is most severe (e.g., household tasks). The importance of evaluating family functioning is supported by research demonstrating clinical benefits of family intervention for schizophrenia. Numerous controlled studies of family treatment for schizophrenia have shown that family intervention has a significant impact on reducing relapse rates and rehospitalizations (Dixon et al., 2001; Pitschel-Walz, Leucht, Bäuml, Kissling, & Engel, 2001). The critical elements shared across different models of family intervention are education about schizophrenia, the provision of ongoing support, improved communication skills, and a focus on helping all family members improve the quality of their lives (Dixon & Lehman, 1995; Glynn, 1992; Lam, 1991).

Biological Assessment

Biological assessments are becoming more common in the clinical management of schizophrenia. For diagnosis, biological assessments may be used to rule out possible organic factors such as a tumor, stroke, or covert substance abuse. Urine and blood specimens are sometimes obtained in order to evaluate the presence of substance abuse. Similarly, blood samples may be obtained in order to determine whether the person is compliant with the prescribed antipsychotic medication, although the specific level of medication in the blood has not been conclusively linked to clinical response. Blood levels may also be monitored to ensure appropriate levels of mood stabilizers (e.g., lithium). Some newer medications (e.g., Clozaril) also require ongoing blood tests to detect very rare, but potentially lethal, blood disorders (Alvir, Lieberman, & Safferman, 1995; Young, Bowers, & Mazure, 1998). Client participation in this type of medical monitoring is crucial when using these medications.

Biological measures are sometimes used to characterize impairments in brain functioning associated with schizophrenia, although these assessments do not have clear implications for treatment of the illness at this time and are expensive. In addition, many clinicians do not have access to imaging technology, and its use has been specific to research settings. In terms of brain function and structure, computerized axial tomography (CAT) scans indicate that between one-half and two-thirds of all persons with schizophrenia display enlarged cerebral ventricles, particularly the lateral and third ventricles, which is indicative of cortical atrophy (Liddle, 1995).

Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) studies have found structural changes and a reduction in gray matter volumes in the prefrontal, superior temporal, amygdala, hippocampus, and thalamus (Lawrie & Abukmeil, 1998; Wright et al., 2000). These findings have also been found in first-episode and nonill relatives as well and may be a pathophysiological marker for the disorder (Fannon et al., 2000; McDonald et al., 2002). These gross structural impairments in brain functioning, such as enlarged ventricles, tend to be associated with a wide range of neuropsychological impairments and negative symptoms often present in schizophrenia (Andreasen, Flaum, Swayze, Tyrrell, & Arndt, 1990; Buchanan et al., 1993; Merriam, Kay, Opler, Kushner, & van Praag, 1990). In addition, positron emission tomography (PET) and single photon emission computerized tomography (SPECT) have shown reduced metabolism and blood flow in several of the prefrontal and temporal cortexes, and abnormal activation of the thalamus (Kindermann, Karimi, Symonds, Brown, & Jeste, 1997; Liddle, 1997; McClure, Keshavan, & Pettegrew, 1998; Miyamoto et al., 2003). Functional MRI (fMRI) studies have found less activation in the prefrontal cortex and anterior cingulate cortex during working memory tasks (Carter, MacDonald, Ross, & Stenger, 2001; Perlstein, Carter, Noll, & Cohen, 2001). Finally, diffuse tensor imaging methods, which assess the integrity of white matter pathways in the brain, have found problems in myelinated neurons in the prefrontal lobes specifically and in the connections between the frontal, temporal, and parietal lobes (Burns et al., 2003; Lim, Hedehus, deCrespigny, Menon, & Moseley, 1998).

To date, most of the advances in the treatment of schizophrenia have been in psychopharmacology. Biological assessments are still not useful for diagnosing the illness or for guiding treatment. However, the clinical utility of biological assessment is likely to increase in the years to come as advances continue to be made in the understanding of the biological roots of schizophrenia.

Etiological Considerations

Behavioral Genetics and Molecular Genetics

The etiology of schizophrenia has been a topic of much debate over the past 100 years. Kraepelin (1919/1971) and Bleuler (1911/1950) clearly viewed the illness as having a biological origin. However, from the 1920s to the 1960s, alternative theories gained prominence, speculating that the disease was the result of disturbed family interactions (Bateson, Jackson, Haley, & Weakland, 1956). Psychogenic theories of the etiology of schizophrenia, positing that the illness was psychological in nature rather than biological, played a dominant role in shaping the attitudes and behavior of professionals toward persons with schizophrenia and their relatives (Fromm-Reichmann, 1950; Searles, 1965). These theories have not been supported empirically (Jacob, 1975; Waxler & Mishler, 1971). Moreover, in many cases, psychogenic theories fostered poor relationships between mental health professionals and relatives (Terkelsen, 1983), which have only begun to mend in recent years (Mueser & Glynn, 1999). For more than a century, clinicians have often noted that schizophrenia tends to “run in families.” However, the clustering of schizophrenia in family members could reflect learned behavior that is passed on from one generation to the next, rather than predisposing biological factors.

In the 1950s and 1960s, two paradigms were developed for evaluating the genetic contributions to the illness. The first approach, the high-risk paradigm, involves examining the rate of schizophrenia in adopted-away or biological offspring of mothers with schizophrenia. If the rate of schizophrenia in children of biological parents with schizophrenia is higher than in the general population, then even in the absence of contact with those parents, a role for genetic factors in developing the illness is supported. The second approach, the monozygotic/dizygotic twin paradigm, involves comparing the concordance rate of schizophrenia in identical twins (monozygotic) compared to fraternal twins (dizygotic). Because monozygotic twins share the exact same gene pool, whereas dizygotic twins share only approximately half their genes, a higher concordance rate of schizophrenia among monozygotic twins than dizygotic twins, even reared in the same environment, would support a role for genetic factors in the etiology of schizophrenia.

Over the past 30 years, numerous studies employing either the high-risk or twin paradigm have been conducted examining the role of genetic factors in schizophrenia. There has been almost uniform agreement across studies indicating that the risk of developing schizophrenia in biological relatives of persons with schizophrenia is greater than in the general population, even in the absence of any contact between the relatives (Kendler & Diehl, 1993). Thus, support exists for the role of genetic factors in the etiology of at least some cases of schizophrenia. For example, the odds of developing schizophrenia if one parent has the disorder is 13% and rises to about 50% if both parents have the disorder, compared to only 1% risk in the general population (Gottesman, 1991, 2001; McGuffin, Owen, & Farmer, 1995). Similarly, the concordance rate of one identical twin developing schizophrenia if his or her co-twin also has schizophrenia is between 25% and 50%, compared to about 6% and 15% for fraternal twins (Cardno et al., 1999; Faraone & Tsuang, 1985; Torrey, 1992; Walker, Downey, & Caspi, 1991). It also appears that the risk of developing schizophrenia is greater in more severe types of schizophrenia (average 20% for disorgranized and catatonic types; see Gottesman & Shields, 1982).

The fact that identical twins do not have a 100% concordance rate of schizophrenia (heritability rates = 0.80 on average), as might be expected if the disorder were purely genetic, has raised intriguing questions about the etiology of schizophrenia. In a review of 40 studies on genetic risk, it was found that 80% of persons with psychotic symptoms do not have a single parent with the disorder, and 60% have a negative family history (Gottesman, 2001). It is likely that the development of schizophrenia results from an interaction between genetic and environmental factors. The results of a series of longitudinal studies support this case. Tienari (1991; Tienari et al., 1987; Tienari et al., 2004) compared the likelihood of developing schizophrenia in three groups of children raised by adoptive families. Two groups of children had biological mothers with schizophrenia, and the third group had biological mothers with no psychiatric disorder. The researchers divided the adoptive families of the children into two broad groups based on the level of disturbance present in the family: healthy adoptive families and disturbed adoptive families. Follow-up assessments were conducted to determine the presence of schizophrenia and other severe psychiatric disorders in the adopted children raised in all three groups. The researchers found that biological children of mothers with schizophrenia who were raised by adoptive families with high levels of disturbance were significantly more likely to develop schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder (46%) than either similarly vulnerable children raised in families with low levels of disturbance (5%) or children with no biological vulnerability raised in either disturbed (24%) or healthy (3%) adoptive families. This study raises the intriguing possibility that some cases of schizophrenia develop as a result of the interaction between biological vulnerability and environmental stress.

Although families do not cause schizophrenia, there are important interactions between the family and person with schizophrenia that deserve consideration. First, as previously mentioned, it has repeatedly been found that critical attitudes and high levels of emotional overinvolvement (Expressed Emotion [EE]) on the part of the relatives toward the individual with schizophrenia are strong predictors of the likelihood that persons with schizophrenia will relapse and be rehospitalized (Butzlaff & Hooley, 1998). The importance of family factors is underscored by the fact that the severity of persons’ psychiatric illness or their social skill impairments is not related to family EE (Mueser et al., 1993). Rather, family EE seems to act as a stressor, increasing the vulnerability of persons with schizophrenia to relapse.

A second important family consideration is the amount of burden on relatives caring for a mentally ill person. Family members of persons with schizophrenia typically experience a wide range of negative emotions related to coping with the illness, such as anxiety, depression, guilt, and anger (Hatfield & Lefley, 1987, 1993; Oldridge & Hughes, 1992). Burden is even associated with negative health consequences for relatives (Dyck, Short, & Vitaliano, 1999). Family burden may be related to levels of EE, ability to cope with the illness, and ultimately the ability of the family to successfully monitor and manage the schizophrenia in a family member (Mueser & Glynn, 1999). Thus, EE and family burden are important areas for assessment and intervention. Finally, researchers have been interested in discovering genes and chromosomal areas involved in schizophrenia.

Current research has focused on nine chromosomes (i.e., most important appear to be areas 8p and 22q) and seven candidate genes, which may be important in schizophrenia (see Harrison & Owen, 2003). In particular, researchers are particularly interested in identifying genes found across family members with the disorder (linkage studies) or directly related to the underlying pathophysiology of schizophrenia (e.g., genes that affect neurotransmitter functioning such as dopamine, serotonin, or glutamate). This area of research has been hampered by the lack of independent replication of these genetic markers. The exact mechanism for genetic transmission of the disorder is unknown, but it appears that schizophrenia does not follow a Mendelian single gene pattern of inheritance. It is more likely that schizophrenia is a polygenetic condition or that it arises from an interaction of multiple genes, which increase the susceptibility to the disorder (Craddock, O’Donovan, & Owen, 2006; Miyamoto et al., 2003). Regardless, genes and gene-environment interactions are estimated to account for 80% of the risk for schizophrenia, according to a review of the literature (as reviewed in Tandon et al., 2008b).

Neuroanatomy and Neurobiology

Although there is clear evidence that genetic factors can play a role in the development of schizophrenia, there is also a growing body of evidence pointing to the influence of other biological, nongenetic factors playing a critical role. For example, obstetric complications, maternal exposure to the influenza virus, and other environmental-based insults to the developing fetus (e.g., maternal starvation) are all associated with an increased risk of developing schizophrenia (Geddes & Lawrie, 1995; Kirch, 1993; Rodrigo, Lusiardo, Briggs, & Ulmer, 1991; Susser & Lin, 1992; Susser et al., 1996; Takei et al., 1996; Thomas et al., 2001; Torrey, Bowler, Rawlings, & Terrazas, 1993). Thus, there is a growing consensus that the etiology of schizophrenia may be heterogeneous, with genetic factors playing a role in the development of some cases and early environmental-based factors playing a role in the development of other cases. This heterogeneity may account for the fact that the genetic contribution to schizophrenia has consistently been found to be lower than the genetic contribution to bipolar disorder (Goodwin & Jamison, 1990). Other biological and physiological factors include alterations in brain chemistry and structure.

Pharmacological research has identified many neurochemical changes associated with schizophrenia. By far, the neurotransmitter most commonly implicated in the onset of schizophrenia is dopamine. The dopamine hypothesis proposes that alterations in levels of dopamine are responsible for the symptoms of schizophrenia. Originally, this hypothesis was based on findings that substances that increase dopamine (e.g., levadopa used to treat Parkinson’s disease) increase psychotic symptoms, and substances that decrease dopamine reduce psychotic symptoms. Current versions of this hypothesis suggest that an overabundance of dopamine in certain limbic areas of the brain may be responsible for positive symptoms, whereas a lack of dopamine in cortical areas may be responsible for negative symptoms (Davis, Kahn, Ko, & Davidson, 1991; Moore, West, & Grace, 1999). Other neurochemicals also appear to be implicated in schizophrenia. In particular, serotonin may directly or indirectly (e.g., by mediating dopamine) affect symptoms of schizophrenia, because several of the newer antipsychotic medications impact serotonin levels (Lieberman et al., 1998). In addition, glutamate and GABA may be altered in schizophrenia (Pearlson, 2000).

As discussed in the section “Biological Assessment,” abnormalities in several brain structures have also been identified. In particular, enlarged ventricles and decreased brain volume and blood flow to cortical areas have been associated with a wide range of cognitive impairments and negative symptoms of schizophrenia (Andreasen et al., 1990; Buchanan et al., 1993; Merriam et al., 1990).

Learning, Modeling, and Life Events

Although schizophrenia is broadly accepted to be a biologically based disorder and not a learned one, learning and modeling may play a role in the course, outcome, and symptom expression of the disorder. In terms of symptom expression, there is empirical support for the role of operant conditioning in delusions and hallucinations (e.g., hallucinations increase when reinforced). Furthermore, research has shown that psychotic behavior can be modified using differential reinforcement (i.e., attention for any other behavior besides the expression of delusional statements) or punishment principles (Jimenez, Todman, Perez, Godoy, & Landon-Jimenez, 1996; Schock, Clay, & Cipani, 1998). However, these processes are probably more relevant for the maintenance of psychotic symptoms than for etiology. Haynes (1986) proposed a behavioral model of paranoia in which suspiciousness partially stems from the reinforcement of paranoid statements and parental modeling, but this theory has been largely untested.

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Jun 10, 2016 | Posted by in PSYCHOLOGY | Comments Off on Schizophrenia

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