15 We are all more or less attached to things. Consumer culture exploits our human propensity to acquire new things and our vulnerability to seeing ourselves reflected in our possessions. But people with compulsive hoarding, who account for about 2–6% of the population of the United States and Europe (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013), are off the scale when it comes to their relationship to possessions. They are extremely attached to things. They cannot resist urges to bring new things into their homes however useless they may seem to others. Nor can they bring themselves to throw out or recycle things for which they no longer have any practical or even sentimental need. People with compulsive hoarding seem to lack the mental ability to sort through their possessions in an ongoing manner, stay task focused, and get the job done, something that is fairly easy for most of us. As a result, their accumulation of stuff often prevents them from using the rooms in their homes for their designed purpose. In milder cases, people with compulsive hoarding cannot have anybody over for dinner because all table surfaces are packed with stuff that would require hours to clear. In extreme cases, people with compulsive hoarding sleep on a tiny space on the floor because their beds are filled with items. Tragically, their attachment to inanimate objects is often stronger than their relationship to people. It is not uncommon for them to lose connection to their adult children or have younger children removed by social services. They are often lonely people living on the margins of society. When people with compulsive hoarding present to general mental health programs—usually following pressure from a concerned family member—many clinicians feel at a loss for how to best help them. This in part has to do with therapists’ lack of specialized knowledge of this problem and what a best practice approach looks like. The other part involves the clients themselves. People with compulsive hoarding often lack insight into their behavior. One client stated she had a problem with “sorting paper” and seemed genuinely unaware of the extent to which her clutter prevented her from moving around freely in her home. One study found that only 15% acknowledged the irrationality of their behavior (Kim, Steketee, & Frost, 2001). It fairly quickly becomes apparent that the client is ambivalent about seeking help, that they feel some pressure from other people in their lives to make changes, and that they do not see much point in coming to a therapist’s office when their only problem is at home. For some, though, the problems go beyond their homes and cause significant impairment at work. If working, their general disorganization can make it difficult to manage projects at work, sort through emails, files, or whatever else their work may involve. They obviously also struggle with keeping their work spaces and shared offices tidy. Regardless of whether the hoarding problem is confined to their homes or spills into other areas of life, people with compulsive hoarding are difficult to engage in therapy, often miss sessions, and more often than not drop out of any treatment that is not highly hoarding specific. When people with compulsive hoarding present to mental health programs that offer specific treatment for OCD, the scenario is usually brighter but still far from optimal. Hoarding has until 2013 been considered a diagnostic subtype of OCD and therefore been treated with the same CBT approach. In programs where group CBT is available, therapists naturally feel compelled to accept people with compulsive hoarding into their CBT groups for OCD. Commonly, we have about one or two members with compulsive hoarding in CBGT for OCD. But, although they share features with other types of OCD, they are quite distinct. Most noticeably, they are not as distressed—compared to the other OCD members in the group—about their compulsions. They do not “buy in” to the CBT treatment rationale as readily as the rest of the group, their progress is painfully slow, they stand out as “very different” in a number of ways from the rest of the group, and they often do not gel. They also tend to be older, usually above age 50, compared to the rest of the group. They have thus lived longer with their hoarding behavior, which makes it more challenging to reverse. The group therapists feel bewildered about what “to do” in terms of exposures, particularly in the absence of being able to offer home visits or other more specific hoarding support. As we shall see in the following text, the unfeasibility of home visits may not be as big of a barrier to effective hoarding treatment as clinicians assume. This growing frustration among clinicians, along with helpful research into the cognitive and psychological processes of the minds of people with compulsive hoarding, has finally resulted in hoarding being removed from the OCD diagnostic category. With the arrival of DSM-5 (APA, 2013), hoarding now has its own distinct disorder status along with formal diagnostic criteria. CBGT therapists for OCD welcome this. The pressure to include people with compulsive hoarding into our groups has lessened, but we feel a corresponding responsibility to offer helpful and appropriate treatment to alleviate their suffering as living conditions worsen. Risks of evictions from apartments because of fire hazards and reality-based fears of homelessness loom large. I hope this chapter on CBGT for hoarding will encourage mental health services to develop separate group programs for people with compulsive hoarding. There is solid research literature on the benefits of a modified CBT approach for hoarding-specific CBT and CBGT. This chapter first reviews the new diagnosis of hoarding disorder and associated features and then the literature on CBT and CBGT for hoarding. I will present an example of what hoarding-specific CBGT typically involves. Indeed, it is a different kind of CBGT group and probably requires a different kind of therapist too. If transportation is a problem—as it often is because hoarding is associated with poverty and disability—therapists may have to travel from their familiar therapy rooms and find a community hall in which to conduct the groups. Sometimes, groups are also held in the homes of people with compulsive hoarding. Therapists may need to be prepared to do home visits or supervise them, which can include wearing masks or other protective gear in cases where unsanitary conditions are likely to exceed anything clinicians have previously encountered. The safety of the home may need to be inspected before inviting students or other clients to enter. Tall stacks of items could fall or fires ignite with flammable materials that are placed on propane tanks, stoves, or heaters. According to DSM-5 (APA, 2013), hoarding now belongs to the class of disorders called Obsessive–Compulsive and Related Disorders. Hoarding disorder is characterized by a persistent difficulty parting with possessions, regardless of their actual value (Criterion A). This difficulty is due to a perceived need to save items and to the distress associated with discarding them (Criterion B). People with hoarding compulsions accumulate possessions that congest and clutter their active living areas and substantially compromise their intended use (Criterion C). The hoarding causes clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning (including maintenance of a safe environment for self and others; Criterion D). The hoarding is not attributable to another medical condition (Criterion E) and is not better explained by the symptoms of another mental disorder (e.g., obsessions in OCD, decreased energy in major depressive disorder, delusions in schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, cognitive deficits in major neurocognitive disorder, restricted interest in autism spectrum disorders; Criterion F). Clinicians diagnosing hoarding have the option of specifying if the problems come with excessive acquisition, good or fair insight, poor insight, or absent insight/delusional beliefs. Approximately 75% of individuals with hoarding disorder have a comorbid mood or anxiety disorder with the most common being major depressive disorder (57%) followed by social anxiety disorder (SAD; 29%), generalized anxiety disorder (GAD; 28%), and obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD; 17%) (APA, 2013; Frost, Steketee, Tolin, & Brown, 2006). When the client is also depressed and struggling with low motivation and energy, it requires an even more enormous effort to start a declutter treatment program. Therapists may need to start with some of the basic behavioral activation strategies used in depression (see Chapter 4). Daily walks could include trips to the local recycling station or to a place accepting donations. When social anxiety, avoidant, or schizoid personality disorder traits are present, it often prevents the person with compulsive hoarding from seeking treatment or attending regularly. Hoarding symptoms usually begin early in life, around ages 11–15 years, and cause clinically significant impairment by the mid-30s. The symptoms are three times more prevalent in older adults ages 55–94 compared with younger adults ages 34–44 (APA, 2013). Hoarding can be secondary to a range of neurological and psychiatric conditions, such as brain damage, dementia, schizophrenia, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and autism. When hoarding begins shortly after brain damage, or onset of dementia, it is referred to as organic hoarding. CBT may not be as effective for organic hoarding as it is for stand-alone hoarding disorder (Mataix-Cols, Pertusa, & Snowdon, 2011). Although far from conclusive, available neuropsychological studies point to possible cognitive information processing deficits in hoarders, deficits linked to abnormalities in the ventromedial frontal lobe area (Mataix-Cols et al., 2011). Specifically, people with compulsive hoarding seem to have greater difficulties with problem solving, planning, procrastination, indecisiveness, and organizing themselves to follow through with their goals. They tend to get easily distracted and unable to stay task focused until completion. This may explain why a task considered simple to most people, such as putting all bills to be paid in a certain place or folder, can be overwhelming for someone with compulsive hoarding. They have difficulty with categorization and grouping similar items together. Bills to be paid may be mixed in with grocery store flyers and other junk mail. They seem to get lost in details and unable to focus on the “bigger picture.” In addition to public health threats such as fire hazards and unsanitary conditions, hoarding comes with other significant economic and social costs. Large surveys of self-identified hoarders suggest that they have difficulty keeping a job and have high rates of chronic and serious medical problems, such as obesity. They are also vulnerable to homelessness, with up to 12% being evicted from their homes (Frost, 2010). If people with compulsive hoarding are unable to pay for cleanouts in order to prevent eviction, this is financially taxing to those municipalities that are willing to help out. In addition to the information processing deficits mentioned earlier, people with compulsive hoarding seem to attribute greater meaning to their possessions compared to most people. Possessions may have a sentimental value (e.g., “Although I have no idea who the people in the photos are because they are not labeled or dated, my grandfather kept all these boxes and it would feel like a betrayal of him to throw them out”), or an instrumental value (e.g., “I may need a recipe at some point in future from one of these magazines”), or an intrinsic value (e.g., “This vase is just so beautiful and even though I already have 20 vases, I want this one because it’s so unique”). The attachments to possessions involve strong emotional reactions, positive and negative, which become powerfully reinforcing (Frost, 2010). The pleasure and often ecstatic high from acquiring a good deal, as in “I got five toothbrushes for the price of one,” is positively reinforcing. The positive feelings associated with purchasing are of course not unique to people with compulsive hoarding. We all get them but with lesser intensity and frequency. An emotion that would be negatively reinforcing is the anticipation of sadness associated with discarding. For example, someone may be reluctant to part with a collection of old books, fearing being flooded with regret and grief at the permanent loss. This mix of emotional positive and negative reinforcement is often the crux of why it seems so hard for people with compulsive hoarding to break out of their hoarding behaviors. Like all other human beings, people with compulsive hoarding seek emotional pleasure and avoidance of pain. Based on recent literature reviews, clinicians can feel confident that a multicomponent CBT designed specifically for hoarding has shown promising results—with up to 70% of clients reporting substantial improvement in symptoms. Before describing this protocol, it is worth noting that CBT for hoarding is more intense and long term compared to most other forms of CBT, with up to 16–20 group sessions or 26 individual sessions. This approach is setting a standard for evidence-based treatment for hoarding (Muroff, Bratiotis, & Steketee, 2011). Although individual CBT with periodic home visits has been the most common intervention, the Muroff 2011 review article highlights how group CBT is emerging as equally effective. But the high dropout rates from hoarding groups (about 30%) cannot be overlooked. Ways to improve this will be discussed throughout the rest of this chapter. Based on the work of leading hoarding researchers and clinicians, we now have a generally accepted CBT model of hoarding (Frost & Hartl, 1996; Frost & Steketee, 1998; Hartl & Frost, 1999) (Figure 15.1). The CBT model of compulsive hoarding presumes that problems with acquiring, saving, and building up clutter result from (a) personal vulnerabilities that include early life experiences and cognitive information processing deficits, which contribute to (b) cognitive appraisals about possessions, which in turn result in (c) positive and negative emotional responses that trigger (d) hoarding behaviors of clutter, acquiring, and difficulty discarding/saving. These behaviors are reinforced either positively through the pleasure gained from saving and acquiring or negatively through the avoidance of unpleasant emotions of grief, fear, or guilt. The model is meant to be used idiosyncratically with each client. In groups, this general model provides the basis for individual group members to talk about their unique vulnerability factors. Vulnerability factors are varied, and many people with compulsive hoarding report having felt different from their family members from a young age. Many also hint at early attachment difficulties. In addition to feeling emotionally disconnected from parents and other people, childhood traumas can include major and minor events such as being forced to move many times, immigration, home robbery, house fires, sexual abuse, or a parent throwing out a child’s toys without permission. Group members usually find it helpful to remember and evaluate their childhood homes. Some begin to wonder if their need for being surrounded by a lot of stuff may be a reaction to having experienced their family homes as “cold and sterile.” Or they become more aware of perpetuating parental orders and beliefs about “never throw away or waste things because you never know when you may need it.” Clinicians support this promotion of insight while also being careful not to jump too quickly to simple causal explanations. As is the case for other mental health issues, the causes of hoarding are multifaceted, and as yet not well understood, but include a range of genetic, biochemical, psychological, environmental, and socioeconomic factors. Assessment of people with compulsive hoarding is similar whether treatment will be individual or in group. It consists of two components, first a more traditional intake assessment in the clinician’s office and then, if possible, a home visit. A helpful approach to assessing hoarding behaviors and discussing a treatment plan is available from the excellent clinical guide for hoarding by Steketee and Frost (2007). This guide includes a template for how to conduct the hoarding interview and recommendations for standardized questionnaires and outcome measures such as the Saving Inventory—Revised (Frost, Steketee, & Grisham, 2004), the Saving Cognitions Inventory (Steketee, Frost, & Kyrios, 2003), and the Clutter Image Rating (Frost, Steketee, Tolin, & Renaud, 2008). The guide also offers tips for how to conduct home visits, including the importance of taking photos (with permission) in order to get a baseline against which progress can be compared. Therapists who do home visits often comment that they would not have been able to get the “full picture” because clients tend to concentrate on only certain parts of their problems and may not themselves even have insight into how the clutter has spread. Pre- and posttreatment photos are often powerful, especially in a group where they are shared with all the members. If home visits are not feasible, clients can be encouraged to take their own photos. In pregroup assessments, preparation for group treatment is also discussed, and this follows one of the formats described in Chapter 6 in this book. The Compulsive Hoarding and Acquiring: Therapist Guide (Steketee & Frost, 2007) describes the treatment components in hoarding-specific CBT whether for individual or group. These include treatment planning, enhancing motivation, skills training for organizing and problem solving, exposure methods, cognitive strategies, strategies for reducing acquiring, and relapse prevention. They will be further described in their applicability to CBGT in the following text. We now have evidence for successful adaptations of the individual hoarding-specific CBT manuals (Hartl & Frost, 1999; Steketee & Frost, 2007) to a group setting (Muroff et al., 2009; Steketee, Frost, Wincze, Greene, & Douglass, 2000). CBGT for hoarding usually involves a minimum of 16 weekly 2-hour group sessions and at least two individual 90-minute home sessions. As with other CBT groups, clinicians underline the importance of home practice between sessions. The therapeutic benefit of adding individual home visits to the group treatment is, however, debatable. Muroff and colleagues compared a 20-week CBGT with four home visits to a 20-week CBGT with eight home visits (Muroff, Steketee, Bratiotis, & Ross, 2012). Home visits included an initial tour of the home by the primary clinician with the purpose of collaborating with the client on specific goals for treatment. Subsequent home visits were done by undergraduate assistants who helped clients with sorting and discarding tasks as agreed upon during the CBGT sessions. The control group included people with compulsive hoarding who read a self-help book on hoarding over a 20-week period, Buried in Treasures (Tolin, Frost, & Steketee, 2007). Both CBGT groups achieved statistically significant reductions in hoarding symptoms, whereas the self-help study participants only achieved minimal improvements. Interestingly, the additional four home visits added only minimal improvements—suggesting that, somewhat counter to clinical intuition, more home visits may not always be better. Home visits obviously incur significant additional cost, given their clinician labor intensity. New research questions the added therapeutic benefit of home visits. Gilliam and colleagues reported that a CBGT program for hoarders in an outpatient community clinic that did not include home visits still had outcomes comparable to those studies that did include home visits (Gilliam et al., 2011). Despite the limitations to this study, such as lack of randomization, the clinician researchers are in a position to question the often assumed necessity of adding home visits for successful treatment of compulsive hoarding. Considering that it is precisely that component—with all its problems related to liability and costly travel time for clinicians—which can deter community programs for offering CBGT for hoarders, these results have much clinical programming relevance. If the CBGT for hoarding program includes home visits, those are usually done at a minimum with one in the beginning and one toward the end of the group. Additional visits may be interspersed and used as a way of supporting clients with their homework. The CBT model is discussed and group members are invited to speak about how it relates to them specifically. Similar to CBGT for depression, as discussed in Chapter 4, group members are invited to insert personal examples into the model. For example, a group member may say that his childhood involved multiple evictions due to his mother, a single parent, being unable to pay the rent. He never lived in one place long enough to develop friendships but managed to bring his favorite toys, including a collection of tin soldiers, with him in a duffle bag. These toys became his steady companions. Although some people with compulsive hoarding do not feel their childhoods were lacking, most voice themes about loneliness and mistrust of others. This exploration of past histories easily resembles a process psychotherapy group, but, similar to other CBGT, the group facilitators ensure that the personal stories are connected back to the model as much as possible. The aim is to provide education about what makes someone vulnerable to acquiring things and fearful of discarding them and what factors maintain this behavior. The group facilitators create an atmosphere of curiosity by asking questions such as “How might your behavior of bringing home 10 soap bars on sale relate to how you felt before you left your home?” The whole group becomes trained in asking themselves and each other questions designed to promote insight into connections between feelings, appraisals, and behaviors. Similar to individual CBT for people with compulsive hoarding, we encourage group members to begin with one room or area. We do a go-round and each client states where they prefer to start. This creates an opportunity for feedback in terms of how realistic the initial chosen area is. One man announced he wanted to clean his entire living room within the first 3 weeks but was able to listen to the group and instead selected one sofa. Sometimes, clients will prefer to pick a type of clutter, as opposed to a room. For example, someone may choose to organize their bills and other paper work. It is interesting to note that these otherwise bright and talented people who hoard have hardly any systematic approach to filing their paper work. Ideas such as creating a file folder for “rent and utilities” and “correspondence with social services” and “income tax” are novel. The sense of universality, that one is not alone, strengthens the group process. Lack of motivation is an issue that must be confronted. One way to do so is through a group discussion of the pros and cons of hoarding where the facilitators use a board for filling in both columns. Here is an example of how to address motivation enhancement in the group. Therapist:
Hoarding
The Diagnosis and Features of Hoarding Disorder
Financial and social burdens
Why do people hoard?
CBT for Compulsive Hoarding
CBT model of compulsive hoarding
Assessment
Hoarding-specific CBT
CBGT for Compulsive Hoarding
CBGT Protocol for Compulsive Hoarding
Psychoeducation
Motivation and goal setting
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Hoarding
We’ve talked a lot about how many of you enjoy going to flea markets and garage sales because you often get some good things for hardly any money. Oscar you began to question what is really so bad about that, given that you’re not broke.