and John Dennison2
(1)
Department of Psychological Medicine, University of Otago School of Medicine, Wellington, New Zealand
(2)
Department of Anatomy, Otago Medical School, Dunedin, New Zealand
Retrospective delusional explanation
Falsehoods of memory
Lecture
Gentlemen!
The sejunction hypothesis clearly shows us how to reach a mechanistic understanding of psychotic symptoms. As with brain diseases, it turns out that when we penetrate the nature of mental illness more deeply, then functional deficits [Ed] give us a valuable clue to aid our understanding. However, more complex circumstances underlie aberrant processes of activation [Ed], and in some way must be seen to depend on symptoms of deficit. In this regard we can never ignore lessons from brain pathology. In the light of our hypothesis, the patient with whom I started our first clinical demonstration becomes more comprehensible to us, and appears to be more consistent with this abnormal process in the organ of consciousness, made up solely of neural elements.
We set out initially to study alterations in the content of consciousness. We identified acute and chronic mental illnesses according to the processes by which they arose, and acknowledged their mutual relationship in terms of our knowledge of brain pathology. We may think that, by now, we know what is the main process that brings about substantive changes of consciousness: It is sejunction, or the uncoupling of associations. We can now define as mental illness, the occasions when, due to disease of nervous tissue, such dislocations of association take place. In such a way breakdown of nervous structure—a change occurring at a definite location—leads to signs of deficit, with no possibility of recovery by regeneration (as indeed is common in the peripheral nervous system), or its replacement by establishing new associations. However, we should also consider curable acute mental illnesses, as examples of just such regeneration or replacement. It seems that dissolution of associations in some circumstances is equivalent to destruction of certain psychological units. Later we will be able to assess a loss of concepts, that is, a reduction of the number in use, as a deficit state occurring in the wake of mental illnesses.
First however, we have more to learn about the sejunction hypothesis and how to use it to understand other clinical phenomena that we observe every day among so-called old cases. This primarily involves correction of the contents of consciousness in the aftermath of mental disturbance—or retrospective explanatory delusions [Ed]. We see this process taking place, always in the same manner, during recovery, or at the beginning of a chronic mental illness, or finally in acute mental illnesses that have reached a chronic stage. The modified contents of consciousness must be reconciled, according to our prevailing notions of causality, with old, as-yet unchanged domains. The more that discernment can be regained or has been retained during chronic psychoses, the more mental activity takes place according to strict standards of logic, and the more imperative it is to restore some semblance of order in structures brought into disarray by illness. Normally, in a complex brain mechanism, there should not exist the remotest corner that is in discord with all other parts, and which does not function under their influence. An example will best illustrate this process. You will remember the patient, a Doctor of Philosophy, whose explanatory delusion was built on teachings about suggestion and hypnotism. This patient had already survived an episode of mental illness 8 years earlier, but had recovered from it to the extent that, for many years, he had full insight into the symptoms of his acute illness. When I met him recently during a new episode, to my great surprise I found a remarkable development that his insight into his illness was lost, so the patient now asserted that the basic symptoms of his first illness, namely phonemes, had not been the result of an illness, but of the effects of hypnosis induced by some adversary. However, he had accurate recall of the fact that for many years he had regarded his auditory hallucinations as signs of an illness; but now he noted quite correctly that such a conceivable insight into his illness could be explained as effects of suggestion. You will see from this example the ease with which judgments, which, for many years, he regarded as having ‘made his own’ [Ed], as hard-won products of complex thought processes, could be overturned by a supposedly new insight, itself aberrant. Nevertheless, if, as I do not doubt, we should regard this process not as aberrant in itself but only as a reaction of a normally functioning brain mechanism when challenged by a material change, you will not be surprised that often, a patient’s limited knowledge of the physical basis of most mental illnesses is overwhelmed by the testimony of their senses as they experience hallucinations, such that assumptions about supernatural effects, subterranean tunnels, hollow walls, and the like, used to explain alien, subjective perceptions, lose the outlandish and grotesque character they might have in the judgment of those same persons when they are in good health. Often, previous knowledge might have stood in the way of resolving a problem, for instance when belief in the principle of conservation of energy constrains acceptance of ‘perpetual motion’ [Ed]. Here, however, such knowledge is modified in such a way that the obstacle no longer applies, and can then explain many of the craziest inventions and discoveries.
In particular, specific earlier experiences may form the subject of such reinterpretations. Guided by newly acquired and supposedly better insight, demonstrations of love appear as hypocrisy or cunning calculation; hostile actions as good deeds; insignificant incidents as highly significant events; and a random event as a deliberate action by some patron or adversary.
The process of subsequent correction achieves special importance as soon as it extends beyond knowledge, judgment, and more complex end processes, to include memory of earlier perceptions, and in this way leads to subsequent falsification of secondary identification. We want to designate such retrospective correction of earlier memories as retrospective delusions of relatedness [W]. They involve events analogous to those in normal mental life. Every one of you will know of times when, only retrospectively did you remember having encountered an acquaintance to whom, because you were preoccupied at the time, you had paid no attention. This late recollection can just as well be accurate as inaccurate in its content, and normally a person takes this into account. Amongst mentally ill people there are also often those, perhaps identified subsequently, except that their most superficial features usually suffice to identify them. In such patients with established grandiose delusions, such reinterpretations are often based on memories of their youth. The patient remembers for example that once, as a boy, he had been spoken to by an officer, who, as he subsequently recalls, was Kaiser Wilhelm, or Kaiser Frederick, or some other highly-ranked, popular personage. In school at the same time he was asked by his teacher who were his father and grandfather. This question was about that same high-ranking personage, and should indicate where he had to look for his father or grandfather. Should the objection be raised that this could also have been an inconsequential question, such patients rebut this by pointing to a meaningful glance or a telling gesture by the teacher in his statement—clear proof that the perception itself has been falsified in memory. Amongst such patients, you can listen for hours to stories of childhood memories described mainly just as they had been experienced. Overall however, their perceptions show every nuance of referential delusions, which an outstanding psychiatrist has described succinctly with the words ‘tua res agitur’ [W].

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