Lecture 15

and John Dennison2



(1)
Department of Psychological Medicine, University of Otago School of Medicine, Wellington, New Zealand

(2)
Department of Anatomy, Otago Medical School, Dunedin, New Zealand

 







  • Retrospect of earlier account of elementary symptoms


  • Overvalued ideas


Lecture


Gentlemen!

An overview of elementary symptoms occurring during paranoid states allows us to make the following distinctions: First, we found several changes in content of consciousness, namely delusions and delusional judgments, expressed within an unbroken train of conscious activity, in so far as they were in a logical form, preserving attentiveness and memory, and in their moment-by-moment adaptability to any given situation. However, the intactness of these faculties in no way prevents the remaining content of consciousness appearing to have disintegrated, to a degree, into fragments a fact to which we gave the name ‘sejunction’ [Ed], in other words, the detachment of individual components one from another. Such components initially form tight-knit structures, as complete experiences, but their sejunction is shown by the fact that memories that flatly contradict each other can coexist. The sejunction hypothesis then led us to a closer understanding of certain symptoms of activation, first, of manifestations of disturbed conscious activity itself, then of autochthonous ideas and obsessions [1], and then of hallucinations and delusions of relatedness and reference. Explanatory delusions, which took up much of our discussion, could then be likened to normal expressions of conscious activity, in contrast to the aforementioned primary psychotic symptoms. We then came to recognize subsequent corrections of the content of consciousness as conditions essential for the so-called systematization, itself related closely to explanatory delusions. We also found amongst these corrections a process, which we viewed as normal conscious activity reacting against ‘false intruders’ [Ed]; and we also saw psychotic symptoms in various types of memory falsification, seemingly quite aberrant in themselves, yet appearing to stand in regular relationship with existing disturbances of the content of consciousness, such that their occurrence depended on the extent of changed content. Amongst such psychotic symptoms we distinguished at least three different points of origin, all emerging in part as a reaction of intact conscious activity to alterations of content of consciousness. These included explanatory delusions and subsequent corrections, either of which occurred as a direct consequence of sejunction; the latter included contradictory contents of consciousness in many old cases, and additive and subtractive ways in which memory can be falsified. Lastly, there were excitatory processes arising out of the sejunctive processes: these included hallucinations, delusion of relatedness, and retrospective delusion of relatedness, and finally autochthonous ideas.

The last mentioned group included overvalued ideas [W] already mentioned repeatedly; these have an obvious relationship to obsessions and autochthonous thoughts, the questions then being how they differ from such symptoms, and whether any sharp boundaries can be found. Overvalued ideas are sharply distinguished from the autochthonous ideas in that they are evaluated within a patient’s consciousness, and thus, by no means are to be viewed as alien intruders: Indeed patients see in them expressions of their very being, and quite rightly take a leading role in their elaboration—a struggle for their very own personality. Nevertheless they are often perceived as painful, and patients may complain that they cannot think of anything else. However, they still remain quite distinct from obsessions because they are seen to be normal, to be accounted for fully by their mode of origin, while obsessions are recognized as untrustworthy, and often as manifestly nonsensical.

Clinically, one can easily distinguish this symptom from the two other closely related ones; yet the mechanism of their formation remains unexplained. In this regard, note that, in general, we can define overvalued ideas as any kind of memory, but especially of Affective experiences, or a whole series of related experiences of this kind. So, for example, the following incidents led to the emergence of overvalued ideas: the discovery, by a man who had taken over the administration of an inheritance and, as an heir, was then involved in its distribution, and that he had significantly disadvantaged himself; news of the suicide of a personal friend; the death of a husband; an older girl’s delusion that a gentleman had paid her attention; a wife’s remark that her husband, despite her objections, sniffed a lot; the sight of cleansing of a person infected with lice; and, finally, one of the most common cases, judicial condemnation, or judgment by superior authorities perceived as an injustice. The Affects revealed can be very diverse in character, and can soon manifest themselves as anger or insult, sadness or disgust, or as sexual arousal. In any case we can infer from this list that almost any cherished event can lead to emergence of an overvalued idea; that it does not depend at all on the type of emotion; and that there must be overvalued ideas that are in themselves completely normal; yet the way that an individual is treated can determine whether they acquire an aberrant character. People who commit suicide after loss of a fortune, after being sentenced to dishonourable punishment, or after death of a loved person, are certainly acting under the influence of an overvalued idea; and we should regard their conduct as abnormal, even though not due to mental illness. Therefore, in every single case, we should establish whether an aberrant, overvalued idea is present, or whether it falls within the bounds of normality. Your decision on this will probably depend on whether the motive triggered by the relevant memory, and which leads to its acquiring a dominant role, is sufficient grounds, or not. However, this criterion is sometimes left completely undecided, as in examples of malcontents: Some such patients have [Ed] actually been unjustly judged in the first place, and have every reason to feel indignant about this. A reliable criterion is that in cases of aberrant overvaluation of ideas, the symptom does not remain in isolation: A number of other psychotic symptoms soon appear, especially delusions of reference characteristic of such cases, yet quite circumscribed (p. 82).

The following is a typical example of an aberrant overvalued idea: A 61-year-old person of independent means, who was recently presented to you, gives, as reason for his being admitted, the ‘hounding’ to which he had been exposed outside the institution. Inside the institution he is completely free of such annoyances, and feels so well that he is already in his fourth year here, and intends to stay. Several attempts to discharge him have failed because, repeatedly, the same harassments have led to police intervention and internment. Originally it was a certain gentleman, known to him only by name, who lived in his neighbourhood and who he therefore often encountered on the street. He came to believe that this gentleman stopped and waited for him, standing as though counting windows of a house. He therefore crossed to the other side of the street but noticed next time how the same gentleman, at the same spot, was talking to an acquaintance, no doubt about him [Ed], of which fact he was convinced, without being able to hear what was said. He therefore went close to the two men and said, ‘Do you perhaps want something from me?’ He then went home and observed that the men followed him and remained standing in front of his house. Having reached his home he then went to the window and waved his stick, calling out to them ‘Come right up! I’ll give you what for!’ A similar encounter on another occasion led to the two men actually following him to his home, who then found out his name, and laid complaints with the police. That event led to the patient’s initial admission. I took him into the clinic soon after, and established that the patient’s delusion of reference was directed solely against one of these two, a master carpenter; and I then asked him: ‘How did this gentleman come to harass you?’ The answer was quite typical. He could think only as follows: The gentleman in question was the brother of a close friend, who 6 years ago had been, like himself, a regular guest of a particular wine merchant. The patient himself had been interested in this businessman’s daughter for years, and had even proposed to her, but had then broken off the engagement, because he had been told that her father was in financial difficulties. As the master carpenter had spoken to the other gentleman about him, he had probably said, ‘There goes the scoundrel who left the girl in the lurch’. Detailed investigation and observation of the patient failed to find any kind of psychotic symptoms, other than his continuing to insist on the accuracy of these allegations. Therefore he was discharged, at his own request, after a few weeks, but was soon readmitted; and this was repeated a second time. Since then he no longer tries any more. The harassment that the patient was exposed to when outside the institution occurred far more frequently on the two further occasions than before; also, other people were involved, as well as the police. However everything always came back to the one master carpenter who, meanwhile, had served up the old story to other people, and notified the police of his observations of mental illness. Nowhere in the institution has anyone observed even a hint of a delusion or any other sign of mental illness in this patient.

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Nov 27, 2016 | Posted by in PSYCHOLOGY | Comments Off on Lecture 15

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